WRFest 1Mar08(World Affairs): Seismic Changes a'Comin
There's such a tidal wave of interesting stories this week that we're going to have to split things up into smaller buckets or ignore some of it. So we're going to start with the general international news excerpts and move on from there.
A point we've made before but it deserves re-iteration (re-it, and re-it, until people start adjusting). We're are in the earliest stages of the biggest structural shift in world affairs since the early 1800s, when China and India were the major world economies and had a healtheir and more prosperous socio-economic systems than any others. The West didn't eclipse them until ~ 1850's, particularly when you measure it by per capita income and indicators of social-economic health like caloric intake. We are headed back to that world and will spend the next 3-4 decades going there. So far in the process just over the last 20 years more people have made more progress in income and well-being than at any previous time in history. But these trends and opportunities carry risks and expose fault lines. Germany's rise in the late 1800's laid the groundwork for WW1 while Japan's in the '20s and '30s was a major contributor to WW2. As we move forward on these paths it is inescapable BUT it will also STRAIN the world system and put enormous pressure on world resources. Failing to pass thru these bottlenecks will break the still emergent system and cause a major collapse.
So the choice is Heaven or Hell it seems - for example as Jared Diamond shows in Collapse China faces enormous environmental problems and most of the last two decades of African problems can be traced to socio-political failures brought on by population growth exceeding the carrying capacities of the local ecologies/economies. Paying attention to these issues might be a worthwhile thing - because even if you won't face them personally, trust me, you friends and relatives will. And there's no going back.
The first two excerpts highlight the on-coming deluge and point back to major cusp-point shifts in history. They make a perfect pair, and set the context for the rest of the readings.Which beging with two stories on France and Germany's continuing struggles to adapt. Which are then continued with stories about China, Russia and India. The Russian stories are particularly interesting because they tell the story of the fault lines behind the recent Putin socio-economic miracle. But the Chinese stories, from Xinghua btw, highlight the CCP's struggles to adopt new institutional frameworks and policy strategies to cope with their stresses. The excerpts conclude with a collection on the recent shoot-down of a failed American spy satellite which should be read for more than its' own sake. It also points out the challenges in finding new approaches to an international architecture.
GENERAL READINGS
A Rising in the East By the year 2030, 361 million Chinese -- more than the entire current population of the U.S. -- will meet the World Bank's classification for middle class: the people who "buy cars, engage in international tourism, demand world-class products, and require international standards for higher education." China may be, in this sense, a bellwether. Analysts at CLSA Asia Pacific Markets estimate that, by 2010, 50% of Southeast Asia's population will live in the region's cities, many having moved there only recently in search of better jobs and better lives. According to Nielsen Co.'s most recent global survey of consumer confidence, the Asia Pacific region generally is the most optimistic in the world. India in particular, after Norway, is home to the world's most upbeat consumers. Such hopefulness tells us something new. Westerners are well aware that China and India -- not to mention Singapore, Taiwan, Hong Kong and South Korea, the so-called Asian Tigers -- have undergone a process of modernization, raising their standards of living by exploiting, to varying degrees, the dynamics of a modern capitalist economy. But there has been a shift, too, in the way that the people of Asia view themselves and their future. Such a shift, Kishore Mahbubani argues in "The New Asian Hemisphere," will have profound effects on Asia's approach to the rest of the world and, just as important, on the world's approach to Asia.
Mr. Mahbubani, dean of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore and a former senior diplomat, attributes the region's economic growth to a kind of free-market domino effect that began in the 1860s, when Japan began to adopt the economic practices of a modern industrial society. Over time, he says, the "seven pillars of Western wisdom" -- free-market economics, meritocracy, pragmatism, a culture of peace, the rule of law, an emphasis on education, and a willingness to pursue advances in science and technology -- have helped to give many Asian countries a new (and newly competitive) structure. But old habits die hard. Singapore, for instance, may be among the world's least corrupt countries, but its neighbors cannot even begin to make such a claim. Many Asian elites, Mr. Mahbubani concedes, wish to preserve traditional systems of privilege and legal inequality, but they know that "it is impossible to build a modern society and a modern economy without a modern rule of law. This is the pill that all Asians will have to swallow, bitter though it may be in the early years of application."
Military, industrial and complex The authors of this history of world trade during the past 1,000 years say they wrote it for their own benefit. Power and Plenty is a wide-ranging survey, both of the facts and of the literature, not an essay organised around a single thesis. Simple trade models have their limits, they say. “The summit of unpleasantness attainable in such models is the use of tariffs, quotas and other trade-policy instruments . . . If only life were like this . . . The greatest expansions of world trade have tended to come not from the bloodless tâtonnement of some fictional Walrasian auctioneer but from the barrel of a Maxim gun, the edge of a scimitar, or the ferocity of nomadic horsemen.” This observation underlines the best and most unusual thing about Power and Plenty: it does justice to both ideas in its title. The history of trade is a constant interaction of force and commerce. You cannot understand one without the other, the authors contend, and by the end of the book you are sure they are right. In their story the great economic turning points of the past millennium were: the Black Death, itself a consequence of Genghis Khan and his Pax Mongolica; the discovery and integration of the Americas; and the industrial revolution. In each case, conflict, violence and geopolitics were to the fore. And each of these transforming events helped create the conditions for the next. The book lays out the connections, politely (for the most part) discusses rival opinions and says clearly why the authors take the view they do. Consider the industrial revolution. It started in the north of England in the late 18th century, but from the beginning was also a global process of political and military interaction. Trade among Europe, Africa and the New World played a key role: exports of raw cotton from the Americas, exports of cotton manufactures from England, and exports of slaves from Africa. To ask why the industrial revolution happened when and where it did – long a subject of bitter academic controversy – is to ask about the precursors of this triangular interaction.
Europe and Adjustment Breakdowns
France Admits Obama Only Good to Football as Politics Preclude Immigrants The rise of Illinois Senator Obama, 46, to front-runner for the U.S. Democratic presidential nomination is holding a mirror to France as its citizens prepare to vote next month for mayors in its 36,781 municipalities. While Europe's third-largest economy has the region's biggest population of Sub-Saharan and North African immigrants and their descendents, it doesn't have any black or Arab mayors currently in office, says Adil Jazouli, a sociologist and adviser to a government committee on urban affairs. There also aren't any deputies in the National Assembly from France's first-or second-generation immigrant population, he adds.
On death and dying THE reaction of Germany's political class to the demise of their four-party system is reminiscent of Elisabeth Kübler-Ross's “five stages of grief”. First came “denial”. In 2005 the Left Party won enough seats in Germany's parliament to stymie the two usual coalition options: a right-of-centre one between the Christian Democrats (CDU) and the liberal Free Democrats (FDP), or a left-leaning pairing of the Social Democrats (SPD) with either the FDP or the Greens. Instead, the CDU and SPD were forced into a “grand coalition”, from which each fervently hopes to escape after next year's federal election. Now comes “bargaining”.
china, Russia and Adjustment
Policy challenges mount for China But making investment bets on the stated policy of the People's Bank of China requires much more than just a leap of faith. After being told to expect lending curbs as bank reserve ratios were hiked to 15%, instead loans grew at blistering 16.7% year-on-year in January, up from December's 16.1%. Put another way, China's commercial banks lent 803 billion yuan or two thirds of their lending quota for the first quarter in January.
This has left investors and analysts scrambling for answers. Has the tightening policy been ignored, abandoned or is plain not working? Have we gotten to the stage where policy by dictate is now a blunted instrument as China's newly commercialized banks chase profit? Official word remains that there has been no policy shift and there is likely to have been some front loading of loans, but more answers are needed. The NPC meeting in March is expected to provide some more policy detail. In the meantime, the fiscal, trade and lending policy challenges facing China's leaders are piling up whither growth, inflation, exchange rate? On the one hand, Beijing is facing renewed calls to relax spending and trade policies. The construction, transport and agricultural sectors hit by the recent monster snow storm that caused $15.4 billion in damage need emergency funding. Meanwhile exporters are feeling the pain of a weaker U.S. market and rapidly appreciating yuan squeezing margins even though China racked up another strong trade surplus in January. On the front page of the South China Morning Post over the weekend was a story of factories fleeing the Pearl River Delta as new labor contract laws added to existing financial strains. One estimate said 10,000 processing factories could leave this year. Meanwhile, the gorilla in the room for Beijing is still inflation. This week, January inflation data will be released and is expected to top 7%.
- China, U.S. agree to step up constructive, cooperative relations
- CPC session ends, vows to deepen political reform
- Chinese President Hu urges reform, innovation in Party building, China to start new round of gov't institutional reform
Why Putin’s rule threaten’s Russia and the west At least he made the trains run on time. That was said of Benito Mussolini, Italy’s fascist dictator from 1922 to 1943. Much the same is now said of Vladimir Putin, Russia’s authoritarian president. He may have crushed the fragile shoots of democracy, but he has at least restored the economy, the state and his country’s place in the world. This view is shared by Mr Putin himself. True, between 1999, the year before Mr Putin became president, and 2007, the Russian economy expanded by 69 per cent. But the economies of 11 of the 15 former republics of the Soviet Union expanded by more than Russia’s. Indeed, only Kyrgyzstan did markedly worse. A number of the former Soviet republics did, it is true, benefit from an oil and gas bonanza. But so, too, did Russia: its oil and gas exports jumped from $76bn in 1999 to $350bn last year. Even so, the Russian economy expanded by less than Ukraine’s. Like all post-communist countries, Russia’s economy suffered a steep initial decline, which reached its trough in 1998. Countries that reformed more decisively, such as Poland, bottomed out more quickly and are now far ahead. Again, Russia’s recovery is in no way exceptional: tiny Estonia has done far better. Maybe this is why the Kremlin hates the Baltic state so much. It is simply wrong to assign credit for the upswing to Mr Putin. Not only did it begin with the devaluation of 1998, but nearly all the reforms that underlay the improvement were initiated, if not brought to fruition, under Boris Yeltsin’s despised rule. Under Mr Putin little progress has been made on structural reforms.
Smoke and mirrors Even Mr Putin's critics are impressed by Russia's transformation in the past few years. A country that almost went bust ten years ago now boasts a $1.3 trillion economy, foreign-currency reserves of nearly $480 billion and a $144 billion stabilisation fund for surplus oil and gas revenue. Annual growth of real incomes has been in double digits. GDP per head has risen from less than $2,000 in 1998 to $9,000 today at current rates of exchange. Yet the truth is that Russia's economy began its rebound 18 months before he became president. Behind it lie three factors: a revival of private initiative, oil prices that have risen fourfold during his presidency and macroeconomic stability. Only the third can be credited to Mr Putin. The economy is now more dependent on oil than ever. And the outlook is bleaker: a slowing world economy means that oil prices may not rise further, and could even fall. Where did it go wrong? Mr Illarionov, who quit his post in 2005, argues that the breaking point was the attack on Yukos that began in mid-2003. The significance of the Yukos affair went beyond the destruction of Russia's largest oil company and the imprisonment of its boss, Mikhail Khodorkovsky. It dictated the country's entire economic and political course. The attack on Mr Khodorkovsky was presented as a crackdown on the oligarchs. Yet it created a new, more powerful and less visible caste that began to play a dominant role in the economy. The share of crude-oil production controlled by state and semi-state companies doubled. Growth in oil output, which before the Yukos affair had been running at about 9% a year, slowed to just 1% by the end of 2007. Worse, the destruction of Yukos negated any efforts to strengthen the rule of law.
INFORMATION WARFARE: The Curtain Falls in Russia For a period, during the 1990s, the Russian media, freed from decades of communist control, was an excellent source of military news from Russia. Too excellent for many Russian political and military leaders, who wanted to institute some "control". The war in Chechnya was not going well back then, and it was painful to see accurate news coming out of the Caucasus. So when former secret police boss Vladimir Putin got elected president of Russia in 2000, he began to return the mass media to government control. Not exactly back to the old communist days, but back to a form of state control. The new censors had to be careful, not just because most Russians would not tolerate a return to the sterile, lying and annoying news media of the communist days, but because Putin was not able to shut down Russian access to Internet news, an alternative news source that the communists never had to deal with. The solution has been to make Russian media more like Western media, a process that was already underway in the 1990s. But the new state controlled media was selective in what it adopted from the West. They put as much, well produced, happy news as they can get away with, and keep that accurate, and enough tragic stuff (if it bleeds it leads), to hold the audience. But lighten up on anything that makes the government look really bad, and beef up any good news on the government, as much as you can get away with. News directors of the "New Russian Media" lose points, and eventually their jobs, if they get shown up too often on the Internet.
Google, Gates, Indian Diaspora Bet on Children: Decades later, illiteracy and poverty are still feeding off each other in India, only the scale of the problem is now much larger. Many of the 60 million children in India who are currently of school-going age will struggle to escape a blighted future without timely help. The list of efforts needed to enroll children in schools and keep them there may be long and complex. However, at 30 U.S. cents per child per year, the basic math, reading and writing skills required to help young learners retain their interest in education and keep them from dropping out of school are ridiculously cheap. It's also critical enough to have caught the attention not just of wealthy Indian communities overseas but also of the Menlo Park, California-based William and Flora Hewlett Foundation and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. Unlike in the past, there's no dearth of economic opportunities for educated Indians. The Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry conducted a survey last year of skills shortages in various industries. In the fast-growing economy, white-collar career openings -- from software code-writers and doctors to wealth managers -- will also abound. But will there be enough hands and minds ready to grab the jobs on offer? Will there be prospects for social and economic mobility, where the initial wealth or caste of the parents will cease to be a determinant of someone's life earnings? The answers to those questions may depend on the quality of school education, currently a big obstacle to progress.
SPACE: Scary Americans Russia and China are urging the UN to outlaw the development or testing of systems that can destroy space satellites. This comes only a year after China tested a satellite destruction system. They used a KillSat (Killer Satellite) that destroyed an old Chinese weather satellite, about 850 kilometers up on January 11th, 2007. That's at the upper range of where most reconnaissance satellites hang out. The impetus for this new enthusiasm over satellite destruction was the February 22nd, 2008 destruction of a broken U.S. spy satellite by a U.S. warship, firing an anti-aircraft missile modified to intercept ballistic missiles and, to the surprise of China and Russia, satellites in a low earth orbit (160-2,000 kilometers up) [VIDEO]. The U.S. cruiser used its Aegis radar to locate the satellite, some 220 kilometers above, then fired a single SM-3 missile [PHOTOS] to destroy the SUV sized satellite. Throughout the Cold War, Russia and China always worried about new American military technology. A lot of these nasty surprises were not even American (like composite armor, which is a British development). But U.S. surprises like smart bombs, stealth aircraft and truly bullet proof body armor kept the fear alive. Now, there's this anti-missile system that doubles as a destroyer of low flying satellites. Lots of spy satellites have low orbits. The Satellite Shootdown: Behind the Scenes



















