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May 25, 2008

Peace, Stability and Prosperity: the Nature of Good Government

Just in case you haven't noticed we've ended up with a series of postings and excerpt collections that paint a picture of the current state of the world. And that SoW started with a survey of the "non-flat" realities and pointed back at the role of culture, values and institutions. And proceeded by looking at the Good, the MabyeSo's, the Bad and the Really Ugly. Overall, on balance, we have to judge that more progress has been made for more people than at any time in human history. Largely by improvements in state governance that have allowed greater stability and peace to promote economic progress. Which in turn has led to increasing prosperities around the world. Yet at the same time we've also documented a wide range of the usual troubles and tribulations as well as deeper structural challenges. It is possible that as we try and keep the wheels on all this that we're going to pass into a multi-decade tunnel on the other side of which lies a general worldwide stable order that provides the good things in life for an increasing portion of the world's populations. May it be so. At the heart of all this though we've found a couple of key things. One is the question of good government (we won't repeat Adam Smith's famous dictum which we've used several times but...please remember it). The other is the tendency of the developed countries to combine the notion of imposing their own solutions on the rest of the world without due grasp of their histories and cultures. Whether we make it thru the tunnel is, therefore, a question of encouraging the growth of good governance in a re-architected world system that builds on the native inheritances. Adopting and adapting from worldwide best practices but changing and transforming them to suite local idiosyncrasies.

So what is good government ? That seems to be the question at the heart of the challenge. 


Well we've certainly tried and experimented with a lot of alternatives thruout history, as this spectrum suggests. As a spectrum it also implies a sense of progress but that's not true for a couple of reasons. The obvious being that it is all too often the case that one sees regression historically. The other, subtler one, being that it's not clear that farther to the right is inherently better on many grounds. If one tries to impose a form of government, say a complicated oligarchy, on a small tribe that's so obviously ridiculous that we'd never consider it. But the principle holds - the form of government needs to be appropriate for the size and complexity of the society involved. It also needs to recognize the realities of history and culture - imposing a pure democracy on a people without much experience, commitment or civitas hasn't worked well either. We forget that we've been experimenting with the gradual evolution of representation and civitas - the commitment of the citizen to a society and a society committed to the rule of law reciprocally - in the English-speaking worlds for almost a 1,000 years.

The third, and most important and critical factor, is that governments should be the ultimate arbiter of force and its' monopolist in a given area. Again we've gotten used to "good government" and forgotten the historical underpinnings, or ignored them, in all our debates. We've got a lot more to explore here but this point is so important I'm tempted to stop for a moment of reverent contemplation. For example Spain, France and Germany have all gone thru major changes of government, aside from general war, in the 20thC. In France the 4th Republic, formed in '48, fell in '58 under the threat of civil war from the French military and was replaced by De Gaulle and the Fifth Republic with an entirely new constitution. That was just fifty years ago !

I've often thought that actors and English professors shouldn't be allowed to pontificate on Shakespeare because they haven't the background to  understand him. The people who should be watching, commenting and learning are large-scale organizational executives. If Iago's double-dealing, back-stabbing and clever treachery isn't as apt a description of Wall St. investment banks as there is I've seen none better. But Lear - now there they miss the boat. This isn't just about a dysfunctional family. This is about a King who's spent his entire life building a country through war, conflict and wise ruling thinking he's found a way to pass on that inheritance for his people and watching as all he's worked for and all his hopes for that country crash around him thru the ambition of the people he trusted most in the world.

And Shakespeare wasn't writing fiction - he was writing from history and his own personal experiences. As they say, "Politics read in tooth and claw". "Ol Wille Boy knew that better than the generations of professors, pundits and limp-wrists who's prisoner he's become. The same could be said for Kipling who knew what it was to face the choice on the plains of Afghanistan of blowing out your brains or waiting for the women to come out.

William especially understood that most difficult of moments for any form of government - the transition to it's successor. A peaceful transition with a history of peaceful transitions changes the entire equation because it means that stable government is likely to persist over generations. What were the Wars of the Roses, which gave rise to the Tudors eventually but tore England apart in bloody fighting over power for two generations or more, about but transitions. Go watch Ian McKellen's Richard III for as stunning a depiction as you'll ever see.

So laugh at chads all you want and believe whatever popular mythology about mis-counts you care to. But we took it for granted that the issue would be resolved according to rule, procedure and process; AND that everybody would ADHERE to it. Not someting the rest of the world can take for granted. Ask Nikita Krusshchev or Lavrenti Beria if you don't believe me. So when the Chinese are looking forward to their fourth peaceful transition in a row, according to rules, appreciate what you're seeing.

All of that suggests two fundamental questions, or composite, questions to use in evaluating the suitability and effectiveness of a government. Ultimately pointing to the question of whether or not it will be able to establish a monopoly on force, maintain it over generations and use that force for the provision of the institutional frameworks required for civilization and prosperous societies. One could even make the argument that much of human history is given over to the debate over these questions. Just by way of example consider this exhibit on the Art of Ancient Mesopotamia and check out the Standard of UR. You'll see as accurate a depiction of War and Peace from 5,000 years ago as you'd see from paintings of the Spanish Civil War. Or better yet compare and contrast the murals on the walls of the Council of Nine of the Italian city-state of Siena. And notice that the implicit "messages" are identical then - and now for us. You'll find the history of Siena revealing as well. Which leads us to the accompanying graphic on a structural analysis of good government.

Here we've shown the answers to the two questions as the key dimensions of a graphic where the horizontal indicates the extent of participation in the governing process and the depth of that participation. Otherwise known and labeled as "legitimacy" - do the citizens believe in the validity of their state and are they committed to it. That is do they trust it and in it. "For the people, by the people, of the people" ? Which question we measure on the vertical axis by measuring "predation" - that is to what extent does a government collect and allocate resources for the betterment of  the people, the government or the power-holders. The classic dissiptative prince problem verses defense, maintaining order, establishing courts and property rights, building roads and bridges, investing in education and so on. Tell me what was Versailles ? That's not as simple a question as it might appear as Louis IV came to power after the French Wars of Religion and repeated insurrections on the part of the nobility. To establish and maintain his legitimacy part of the necessary strategy was to overawe the fractious and self-serving nobility, especially the major ones who otherwise might do again to France what their peers had done during England's Wars of the Roses.

At the end of the day there are two fundamental tradeoffs at play here. One is the ability to collect taxes - think of it as the rent one pays for all the potential goods that stable and effective government can provide. Or conversely as an evil to be avoided when collections exceed what is economically sustainable. Put another way governments will tend to collect taxes up until the point where the cost of the last ducat collected is greater than the benefits derived for the government. But there's a host of inter-dependent factors because a good government that invests its' revenues in growing the society can keep the proportion of taxes collected the same and get more revenue; or even lower the proportion and still get more revenue. Further a government trusted by the citizenry will find their resistance to taxes lessened by their conviction that the funds will go their benefit, to a greater or lesser extent. Furthermore the greater the participation in the political and governance processes the more people are making decisions for and about themselves. The result is that the more inclusive, or representative a government is, the more taxes can be raised legitimately AND the more likely they'll be invested in the overall good of society.

In a nutshell we just captured the themes and moral lessons in Shakespeare's plays and Chinese legends - consider a film like "House of the Flying Daggers" whose hero is a doctor fighting against a corrupt mandarinate. Or how much the story resembles our own Robin Hood legends. When a small band of farmers is being raided by bandits they will hide their wealth and under-invest in improvements in farming. So the more excessive the depredations of these predators the less and less there is to gather tax-wise - the story of the Magnificent Seven eh ? During some of China's worst troubles in the '20s and '30s once warlords had seized control of large areas they found it in their own interests to build bridges and roads and to operate on that efficient frontier where MR=MC. Or consider the Serene Republic of Venice where the oligarchy ruled for hundreds of years and constantly re-invested tax revenues in public projects like the Arsenal of Venice whose ship-building prowess was the backbone of Venices's trading prosperities. 

Or consider our present-day nation-building exercises in Iraq and Afghanistan as well as our earlier efforts in Germany, Japan, South Korea or Taiwan (admittedly stretching the examples just a bit). All four of the latter have become some of the most successful, effective, prosperous and representative societies on earth. Contrast that with Kilcullen's assessment (Iraq Resartus (Readings): Stability, Progress and Will) of the challenges in moving from tribal societies built on shifting alliances of warring factions where each faction is out for what it can get...because it must be. Good government is centripetal - that is it reinforces itself as a virtuous cycle of efficient taxes leads to more public investment. Bad government is centrifugal - that is it tends to fall apart as each faction sacrifices the good of the whole for its' own survival.

And, there in another nutshell, is a fundamental principle of US foreign policy. Our goal should, and must be, to constructively engage in seeing as many societies as possible get as good a government as is possible. Ones that are appropriate for their stage of development; and allowing for their histories and cultures. 

Previous Posts

Brave New World: Non-Flatness, History and Challenges

SoW I (the Good): Britain, Brazil, Mexico and India

SoW II(the Maybe So): Africa and Asia (China, Burma)

SoW III (the Bad): Challenged Russia...another Potemkin Village

SoW IV(the Ugly): Israel, the ME and Good vs Bad Government

Readings and References

Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships by Mancur Olson 

The Rise and Decline of Nations: Economic Growth, Stagflation, and Social Rigidities by Mancur Olson 

The Rise and Decline of the State by Martin van Creveld 

May 21, 2008

SoW IV(the Ugly): Israel, the ME and Good vs Bad Government

And herein let the lessons continue...this time by looking at Israel and the rest of the ME. At least some key hot spots, which are truly getting hot. Let's start by taking a look at the chart to the right which shows the available data on Israel and some select Arab/ME countries since approx. 1960. The circle size indicates population while the horizontal axis shows income/person vs life expectancy on the vertical. As you can there have been some notable improvements in the latter thruout the region...a tribute to the wider availability of more modern healthcare. And among the Arab countries there have even been some relatively significant improvements in income. Nonetheless Israel has enormously outdistanced them all. That's not just a tribute to Israel per se, as it crosses the 60th anniversary of its' founding, but a tribute to what an educated, hard-working populace can do when provided with decent, if not great government.

On the other hand you have things like the retrograde motion of Saudi Arabia as oil revenues dropped in the '90s. Didn't know that ? Well prior to the recent burst of oil price increases the Saudi's and other oil rich nations were beginning to face severe problems with rapidly growing populations, growing disaffection among the unemployed and unemployable young (who are an increasing portion) and rapidly growing risks of severe instability leading to implosion. With all the attendant dangers that leads to. Yet at the same time one has to give credit where credit is due. The Arab countries have made great strides from where they started. The question is can they find it within themselves to bridge the next big chasm in development ?

That gap is largely built on the same cultural barriers that led to prior surges in oil revenues not resulting in the development of native infrastructure, changes in attitudes and a severe lack of organic capabilities. Now this new surge of oil revenues offers a bridge over which they, and we, may be able to walk. If the lid isn't blown off in the meantime. Judging from other news, e.g. continuing CNBC coverage, there are a lot of bright, competent and knowledgeable rulers in some of the key countries who get it. Again it's the runway vs the airspeed problem - can they get going fast enough with the plane they've got before running out of room. For all these reasons we reiterate our earlier argument - the ME will be the riskiest and most severe foreign policy problem facing the next administration. For decades we've largely taken the ME for granted and done whatever was necessary to keep the oil flowing (the Spice MUST flow !).

Well we're at a cusp point where the Spice won't flow if better government doesn't begining to take hold on a widespread basis. And judging from some of the readings below on Lebanon, Hezzbullah and Pakistan the old troubles are metastasizing yet again. In fact today's news about a new "truce" in Lebanon that effectively give the Hizzies control without saying so could be the beginnings of really serious trouble. With which our dear friends in Iran are being anything but helpful. Oddly in a way given their own escalating problems. But as a deeply divided oligarchic kleptocracy facing wide divisions inside the country there remains an uncontrollable part of the power structure which sees their own salvation in continuing to export turbulence. With all this in mind you might pay particular attention to the last reading on a very non-PC assessment of tribalism and Arab cultural barriers to change (ME Faultlines(Readings): Values, Culture & Conflict).

Welcome to the real world. By the way try looking up the Battle of Megiddo in Wikipedia. You may be surprised to learn that another ancient name for that critical juncture on the early ME trade routes was Armageddon. Hint, hint. 

Israel

Israelis Mark 60th Anniversary Amid a Prosperity They Can't Seem to Enjoy By plenty of objective measures, Israelis have reason to celebrate as they observe the 60th anniversary of their nation's founding today. Their economy is growing at almost twice the pace of the world's developed countries, the average citizen can expect to live longer than a German or an American and Israeli millionaires are snapping up prestige properties like New York's Plaza Hotel. Yet an exhibit at Jerusalem's Israel Museum marking the nation's birthday focuses on ``dread of global catastrophe and a yearning to escape to distant borders.'' With concern mounting that Iran is developing nuclear arms, a Tel Aviv University poll this week showed that three of four Israelis expect to have to fight the nation's seventh war since its 1948 founding within five years. The Tel Aviv University poll, by its Evens Program in Mediation and Conflict Resolution and Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research, showed that about 39 percent of Israelis think the nation's security situation is worse than a decade ago, compared with 23 percent who think it is better. The survey found 74 percent believe there is a ``high probability'' or ``pretty high probability'' that Israel will be at war again in the next five years.

Israel's Predicament at 60: World's worst neighbourhood Two religiously-identified new states emerged from the shards of the British empire in the aftermath of World War II. Israel, of course, was one; the other was Pakistan. They make an interesting, if infrequently-compared pair. Pakistan's experience with widespread poverty, near-constant internal turmoil, and external tensions, culminating in its current status as near-rogue state, suggests the perils that Israel avoided, with its stable, liberal political culture, dynamic economy, cutting-edge high-tech sector, lively culture, and impressive social cohesion.But for all its achievements, the Jewish state lives under a curse that Pakistan and most other polities never face: the threat of elimination. Its remarkable progress over the decades has not liberated it from a multi-pronged peril that includes nearly every means imaginable: weapons of mass destruction, conventional military attack, terrorism, internal subversion, economic blockade, demographic assault, and ideological undermining. No other contemporary state faces such an array of threats; indeed, probably none in history ever has.The enemies of Israel divide into two main camps: the Left and the Muslims, with the far Right a minor third element.

Israel Holding Indirect Peace Talks With SyriaIsrael and Syria have begun indirect peace talks, mediated by Turkey, aimed at reaching a comprehensive peace accord, the three governments announced in a coordinated statement Wednesday. The disclosure was the first public confirmation of the negotiations by all three sides. The two most senior officials in Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s office have been leading the Israeli negotiations and were in Istanbul on Wednesday, talking through Turkish mediators to their Syrian counterparts, Mr. Olmert’s office said. The disclosure of the talks is official confirmation of what was already widely suspected of being ongoing contact between Syria and Israel, directed by Turkey. In the past months, Israel had been reluctant to make the negotiations public. But the negotiations now seem to have made enough progress that all sides decided they should acknowledge the meetings. A senior official in Mr. Olmert’s office, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said the talks with Syria and the decision to make them public had been coordinated and agreed with the United States.

Iran, Lebanon, Pakistan

IRAN: It Wasn't Me With the collapse of Sunni Arab terror groups in Iraq, the biggest source of attacks on U.S. and Iraqi troops has become Shia Arab groups (like the Mahdi Army). These are backed by Iran (with cash, weapons and technical experts). Recently, the Iraqi government sent a group of Shia politicians to Iran, to try and get this terrorism support stopped. The Iraqis brought with them evidence (documents, names, photos). The Iranians denied everything and sent the Iraqi politicians packing. Meanwhile, some members of the ruling elite in Iran are speaking openly about what a bad thing such interference is, but will not come right out and name names, much less insist that the Quds Force be reined in. The Iranian government did say that shutting down the Shia militias in Iraq was a good things. The Iraqi government took the hint (that the Quds Force activities was an internal matter for Iran), and stopped complaining openly. At least for now. But to make their point, the Iraqis turned around and supported the United Arab Emirates in a dispute with Iran over ownership of three Persian Gulf islands. In response, Iran recalled its ambassador to Iraq. The Gulf Arabs, who are largely Sunni, see Iraq as suspect because most of the population is Shia (as are nearly all Iranians). But this backing of their fellow Arabs, over the islands dispute, makes Iraq "one of us (Arabs)." Despite the religious affinity, Iraqis tend to come down on the side of being an Arab, and anti-Iranian (Iranians are not Arab, but ethnic cousins of Europeans and Indians), when it really counts. The U.S. (not to mentioned Palestinians, Israelis, Egyptians and Lebanese) are also upset about Iranian support of Hizbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza. These two groups are recognized terrorist organizations, and are the recipients of cash, weapons and technical experts from Iran. Officially, the Iranian government denies all this, but radical elements in the government are less shy about admitting to it. Thus the Iranian Revolutionary Guards and Quds Force are an embarrassment to the government, especially when these radicals boats of their mischief in Lebanon, Gaza, Iraq and elsewhere. For example, Iran has been backing the Lebanese Shia Hizbollah group in its efforts to take control of the Lebanese government. This has recently led to open combat between Hizbollah and Lebanese government forces. Iran denies any involvement, it always does.

  • WEAPONS: Dealing With EFPs In the last two months, Iraqi and American forces have largely destroyed the Iran backed Mahdi army in Basra and eastern Baghdad. In the process, a lot of Iranian weapons and incriminating weapons have been captured. It's pretty clear that the Iranians are supplying pro-Iranian Iraqi Shia militias with cash, weapons and technical advisors. Particularly worrisome are the Iranian explosively formed penetrator (EFP) weapons. While Iran stridently denies sending these to Iraq, they have long advocated the use of this specialized weapon. Iranian supported Hizbollah, in Lebanon, has long used EFP against Israeli troops. But with the battle against the Mahdi Army, Iraqi troops are getting killed. This led to a delegation of Iraqi politicians going to Iran to plead for a halt the flow of EFPs. The Iranians again denied everything, which led to more Iraqis seeing Iran as an enemy, not a fellow Shia state they could depend on.

Lebanon Fighting Jolts Middle East Hezbollah's lightning takeover of big sections of Beirut appeared meant to signal to the U.S.-backed government it isn't in charge any more. Rice called on Arab leaders to pressure Syria and Iran to restrain Hezbollah. Fighters from the Shiite party Hezbollah seized large areas of Beirut on Friday, signaling a dramatic shift in power in the country: The U.S.-backed government of Lebanon isn't in charge anymore. The government of Prime Minister Fuad Siniora denounced the move by opposition fighters, who are led by Iranian-backed Hezbollah, as a "coup." Gunmen fanned out across mostly Muslim West Beirut, raided pro-government media outlets and surrounded the residences of some of the nation's most prominent politicians. The lightning takeover of streets and neighborhoods appeared to take Western powers by surprise. The raids served as a fresh reminder of the ascendancy in the region of groups the U.S. and its Western allies have tried, without success, to marginalize. Washington has designated Hezbollah a terrorist organization, though the group is seen as a legitimate political party by many in the region. Lebanon's opposition is also backed by Syria, another U.S. opponent. In the past few years, the influence of traditional regional players like Saudi Arabia and outside powers such as the U.S. has been waning. Islamist groups, such as Hamas, and Shiite Muslim parties backed by Iran, such as Hezbollah, have gained support and have flexed their muscles. Moderate Sunni Arab leaders, including Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and Lebanon's Mr. Siniora, have appeared weak and cornered. The raids in Beirut were reminiscent of a violent and equally swift takeover of the Gaza Strip last year by Hamas. Hezbollah now effectively controls Beirut. But the group appeared more eager to send a message than to seize and hold all of the territory it swept through Friday. By midafternoon, many Hezbollah and opposition fighters had peacefully turned over streets and buildings in mostly Muslim West Beirut to commanders of the Lebanese army.

  • (***) Iran's tool fights America's stooge A delicate balance between Christians, Druze, Sunnis and Shias has broken down. Reassembly will be hard. {this is one of the best short analytical and interpretative summaries I’ve read…highly recommended.}

Hezbollah Triumphs in Lebanon Deal Rival Lebanese factions reached an agreement to resolve their 18-month political crisis. The breakthrough deal sets presidential elections for Sunday and gives Hezbollah and its allies veto power over all government decisions. The deal was a major triumph for the Hezbollah-led opposition, which won both its demands: veto power in a new national unity government, and an electoral law that divides up Lebanon into smaller-sized districts, allowing for better representation of the country's various sects.

The coalition collapses And a dangerous game begins. THE spectre of instability haunting Pakistan will not go away. On May 13th the fledgling governing coalition of the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) led by Asif Zardari, widower of a former prime minister, Benazir Bhutto, and the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz), or PML-N, headed by another former prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, fell apart. Mr Sharif pulled out of the federal cabinet over “fundamental disagreements” on how to restore 60 senior judges sacked by President Pervez Musharraf during martial law last year. Not surprisingly, this raised fears of a yet another round of confrontation and instability. But all may not yet be lost. At the moment, there is an impasse, The coalition in Islamabad has split. Yet if Mr Sharif is ensconced in Parliament soon, things may be patched up. Most Pakistanis want the coalition to survive in order to address pressing issues such as inflation, food subsidies, unemployment, power shortages and capital flight. America is also desperate to have a stable, legitimate government with which it can talk about terrorism in Pakistan and Afghanistan. None of these worthy objectives would be met if the PPP and PML-N split apart, Mr Zardari cobbles together a coalition with the PML-Q—and the government is then besieged by political activists, lawyers and the stridently anti-Musharraf media.

Gulf Countries 

COUNTER-TERRORISM: Don't Ask, Don't Tell, Don't Care The most peaceful place in the Arab world is ruled by a gay sultan .  At least that's the word on the street in Oman, where the childless and divorced sultan Qaboos bin Said bin Taimur Al Bu Saidi is a popular and successful ruler. The 68 year old monarch  is the 14th Saidi Sultan  of Oman, his family having been in charge continuously since 1749. Despite all the talk of the sultan preferring men, he is widely regarded as a very manly fellow. He overthrew his unpopular father, whom he had been feuding with most of his adult life. While the Sultan's father was a reactionary, and a not very effective ruler, the son was quite the opposite. The Sultan reformed the government administration (including the military), mended political fences, and used his British Army contacts to get some help from the British SAS (similar to American Special Forces) to help deal with the most uncooperative of the rebels. He hired dozens of British officers and NCOs to improve the training and leadership of the Omani armed forces, and by the mid 1970s, the rebellions were defeated. For the last three decades, the Sultanate has been one of the most peaceful and prosperous Arab states. With a land area larger than Britain, it has only 3.3 million people. The place is mostly desert. The Sultan has encouraged education, free enterprise and the rule of law (even though he is an absolute monarch). He has organized a 120 member symphony orchestra, one of the finest in the Middle East. This appalls some of his more religious subjects, because the orchestra has male and female musicians. There is no terrorism in Oman. No al Qaeda, no religious violence. There are some Islamic conservatives, but even they do not dare threaten the popular monarch. This despite the fact that the Sultan has expressed an interest in working out a peace deal with Israel. Most other Arab rulers consider the Omani Sultan a bit odd, and don't consider him an example worth emulating.

How to spend it Diabetes is a useful metaphor for the Gulf's present problems. The region's economies are struggling to absorb petrodollars, accumulating like glucose in the bloodstream. The risk they face is the economic equivalent of renal failure: inflation, a hollowing-out of the non-oil sector, and a young, growing workforce in chronic need of outside labour to supplement it. The six nations of the GCC, which also includes Qatar and Oman, earned $381 billion from their exports of oil in 2007 and another $26 billion from gas, according to the Institute of International Finance (IIF). If the oil price remains at about $100 a barrel, they will reap a cumulative windfall of almost $9 trillion by 2020, reckons the McKinsey Global Institute: a vast number relative to the size of the GCC economies, which had a combined GDP of $800 billion in 2007.  Not all these riches are ingested, of course. The Gulf added $215 billion to its stock of foreign assets in 2007, the IIF calculates. This hoard is divided between the region's central banks, its sovereign-wealth funds and its wealthy sovereigns. It added up to $1.8 trillion by the end of last year, by the IIF's estimates, and more like $2.4 trillion, according to Brad Setser of the Council on Foreign Relations and Rachel Ziemba of RGE Monitor.

Cultural Barriers

MURPHY'S LAW: The Secrets of Arab Success Why do Arabs so often lose wars against non-Arabs? Why has so much of the terrorism activity for the last few decades  been carried out by Arabs? Why are Arab societies so corrupt, so uneducated and lacking in economic or scientific progress? Even raising these issues is considered un-diplomatic, provocative, racist or worse. But there is something going on. At lot has been written about why Arab armies so consistently lose wars with non-Arabs. These reasons also explain why Arab nations, and many other Third World nations as well, also have trouble establishing democratic governments or prosperous economies. A lot of it has to do with culture, especially culture influenced by Islam. Some of the reasons for these failures are; Most Arab countries are a patchwork of different tribes and groups, and Arab leaders survive by playing one group off against another. Loyalty is to one's group, not the nation. Most countries are dominated by a single group that is usually a minority (Bedouins in Jordan, Alawites in Syria, Sunnis in Iraq, Nejdis in Saudi Arabia). All of which means that officers are assigned not by merit but by loyalty and tribal affiliation. Such a system can produce fearsome looking armies, but not a force that can survive an encounter with well trained and led soldiers. The same techniques are applied to government and the economy, producing tyranny and backwardness that appalls Westerners, and angers the citizens of these unfortunate states. That anger has produced many reform efforts. Including such unholy horrors as al Qaeda. Arab leaders, especially in the Persian Gulf, are generally pretty smart, and aware of what they are working with. So they hire lots of foreigners for key technical jobs. But you still have a lot of suspicious, paranoid, poorly educated and insecure people in charge. Changing all this is, understandably, difficult.  

May 20, 2008

SoW III (the Bad): Challenged Russia...another Potemkin Village

Now it's time to take a look at Russia...and hopefully this won't be the only only. After the collapse of the Wall and the well-meaning but deeply flawed and culturally/historically mis-informed imposition of free-market facades on Russia by the reformers the net results were the near (maybe actual) collapse of the Russia socio-economic system. A point which is lost on almost all Western commentators who evolved from pitying disdain thruout the '90s to hectoring lectures about Putin's methods as he restored peace, stability and economic progress to angst and agita about where Russia's headed. Now don't construe those as endorsements of Putin and Russia's current path ahead; they're not. Be need to recognize realities grounded in facts on the ground and history.

And the first fact is that in the Country of Ivan the Terrible the Russian's had no cultural nor institutional memories of civic society with the rule of law, peace and stability, respect for property nor any of the other things we take for granted. Instead what they had was memories of Mongol oppression and exploitation burned into their folk memories at the deepest and most subliminal levels. Combined with a post-Mongol history of strong men taking power and ruling with terror and oppression but creating stability and a measure of prosperity.

When Putin removed the regional governors from direct election as well as squashed the oligarchs he crushed exponentially growing challenges to the central authority. When Khondorvsky was sent to prison it wasn't just an abuse issue. Rather he was starting to use his own power and wealth to become, as many/most of the oligarchs were, to seize increasing control of political power and the institutions of the state. A position of power that resulted from their own fortunate and fortuitous exploitation of the corruption and weaknesses of the Yeltsin regime to seize monopoly control of state assets, e.g. gas, oil, forests, mines, etc. etc. They were acting under different veneers much as the Warlords did in China during the '20s and '30s but with less attention to the well-being of their controlled populace.

So Putin who has restored some measure of peace and honesty and definitely, on the backs of rising worldwide oil prices, economic progress is understandably very popular with the Russian populace and electorate as a whole. The question is now what because that success has bred it's own challenges. Partly because the new centralized authority is falling back on corrupt cronyism as a means of governing with all that entails for malfeasance and economic inefficiencies. But mostly because Russia's way forward lies in taking the next jump step in strategic institutional innovation and adaptation - which they know. 

The graphic, courtesy of the Economist, captures the Potempkinesque nature of Russian prosperity and strategic outlook but let's put in "dry" context. That is let's tell the story with yet another graph of historic economic performance. If the chart at right doesn't cause your heart to bleed you need to think about what you're looking at. We've made the comment before that Communism and similar ism's and ologies conducted the largest open-air experiments in political economy in history, and ultimately failed abysmally. You can see where slow, semi-Malthusian progress was made under the late Czars and where the early Communists were able to jump-start growth and per capita well-being thru a Command & Control economy. You can see the terrible prices paid in lost lives thru the 20thC, the spurts of growth under the  late Czars and early Communists with an accompanying rise in per capita GDP. Due more to falling population than not. And the collapse of population growth beginning in 1973 followed by a collapse that accelerated thruout the '80s and '90s. And if you ever wondered how/why we wont the Cold War now you know.

So as you skim these reading excerpts you might bear all that in mind. 

Challenged Russia

Medvedev Imprisoned by $100 Oil as Putin Leaves Him an Economic `Dead End' Russia is riding so high on rising oil and gas prices that it has little incentive to diversify beyond commodities. The energy industry produced more than two-thirds of the nation's export earnings and more than a third of the state's 2007 revenues, which totaled $315 billion. The government has ignored advice from the World Bank and other organizations to invest in other industries, start-up companies and infrastructure. Instead, the central bank has amassed $530 billion in gold and foreign-currency reserves; Putin has put $130 billion of that in a sovereign-wealth fund that would provide no more than a two-year cushion if energy prices fall. At the same time, the political system Putin, 55, created discourages changing course. Russia is, in effect, a one-party state, with Medvedev handpicked by Putin to become president, while Putin installed himself at the head of the United Russia party and has laid plans to become prime minister. Regional governors, once elected, now are Kremlin appointees, most of them United Russia members. There's little chance of that, because the party, with 2 million members, is dominated by elites who control much of the country's wealth and have a stake in the status quo. Russia's top 100 billionaires -- including eight United Russia members in the parliament -- have $522 billion in combined assets, Forbes magazine says. They benefit from a business system beset by bribery and largely directed by government officials.

Dying Russia Russia is a European country, and its population patterns are unmistakably European in a number of respects, e.g. low birth rates, rising illegitimacy ratios and immigration tensions, and an aging population. But its demographic profile and future prospects differs in two important respects that bode ill for Russia's long-term economic outlook – to say nothing of the Kremlin's ambitious goal of becoming the world's fifth-largest economy by the year 2020. First, Russia's health and mortality situation is vastly worse than Western Europe's. Life expectancy for Russian men is astonishingly low, well below current levels in either Pakistan or Bangladesh. And trends have been moving in the wrong direction for decades. In 2005, male and female life expectancy at birth in Russia were both lower than they had been 40 years earlier. Russia's brutally high levels of mortality, along with anemic fertility levels, fashion a second "exceptional" demographic trend for the country: depopulation. In the 16-plus years since the end of the U.S.S.R., Russia has recorded over 12 million more deaths than births. Net immigration has only partially compensated for this deficit. Consequently, Russia's population dropped from 148.7 million in 1992 to just over 142 million at the start of this year. Whereas Western Europe faces the prospect of population decline a generation hence, Russia is in the midst of it. How can Russia hope to be a vibrant modern economy with a dwindling and debilitated workforce and a life expectancy which is a full 12 years shorter than in Western Europe? No modern society can expect to enjoy an Irish standard of living on an Indian survival schedule. If Russia is to arrive in the front ranks of 21st-century economies, the yawning health gap that separates Russians from the rest of Europe and all other industrialized democracies has to be closed. Nothing less than a protracted national struggle may be necessary to achieve this goal.

RUSSIA: The Secret Policeman's Bawl The U.S. and Europe are united in one area, their hostility towards Russia and China for tolerating Internet based crime and factories that produce counterfeit goods. Russia has been a little better in cracking down on the gangsters, but, as in China, a well connected criminal (who has bribed the right politicians), continues to be immune. Russia is still the ramshackle house-of-cards superpower it was when the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991. At that point, a decade of reform efforts by KGB (secret police) leaders had accomplished nothing. The KGB were always the most knowledgeable people in Russia, and noted the economic mess Russia was in as early as the 1970s. But the corrupt communist politicians that were running the place were not interested in shaking things up. After Stalins purges and World War II's horrors (which together killed about a third of the population over 25 years), these guys just wanted to relax and enjoy themselves. Corruption and complacency are still popular, and the secret policemen are still trying to make things right. And they are still having a problem getting enough Russians to pay attention.

SoW II(the Maybe So): Africa and Asia (China, Burma)

Continuing our little survey of the State of the World here's some interesting stories from Africa and Asia. Bad as the stories continue to be out of Africa, Darfur, Somalia, et.al. for example, large parts of the rest of the continent aren't quite the abyss they've been. In fact Africa as a whole has experienced more socio-economic progress in the last few years than it has in decades. A key part of that is the growing demand for African resources from the Emerging countries, especially China and India.

When you stop and think it that's actually perfectly natural and reasonable. For one thing they're geographically proximate. For another they've had trading relationships, literally, for millenia. And, most importantly, this is a win-win for everybody. China and India need resources and African nations need customers, financing, development and markets. Sounds like the theory of classical trade to me.

It's also a symptom and harbinger of the new, emerging world order. We're used to thinking of the world as bi-polar, pun intended, during the 1950-1990 Cold War period. Though it wasn't really. Or planetary with the US "super-power" as the central start around which various players orbited. Now a better model is a molecule or tinker-toy. Think of each of the players establishing it's own network of relationships. The patterns, structures and power flows of the new world are going to be very...very different. If you want two interesting canaries that have flown in ahead of the storm listen to world music and ask yourself what the cultural synthesis, geo-political and socio-economic interactions will be in 25 years or 50 years if similar links and fusions occur. As they are beginning to. Or look at the rapid evolution of the Olympics - who's got large contingents and how well they do in which sports.

So with all that in mind, and presuming you don't need any more news on the Earthquake problems, our China excerpt focuses on a different aspect. China's adjusting to its' new role and the rest of us adjusting to it. And by way of compare and contrast between relatively good government and terrible government we have Burma where maintainence of power is more important than the lives of the populace. 

Africa

The Scramble for Africa Begins Fifty years ago the decolonisation of Africa began. The next half-century may see the continent recolonised. But the new imperialism will be less benign. Great powers aren't interested in administering wild places any more, still less in settling them: just raping them. Black gangster governments sponsored by self-interested Asian or Western powers could become the central story in 21st-century African history. Zimbabwe is not Iraq. Any great power could pick a leader in Zimbabwe today, send in a modest military support force to sustain him in power, and follow this up with ten jumbo jets filled with economic, technical and political advisers and half-a-billion-pound's-worth of reconstruction aid. Within a couple of years the intervening power would be sponsoring something tantamount to a puppet government there. In modern management-speak, there exist bunches of low-hanging fruit, overlooked, on the African continent. European imperial powers lost the will rather than the capacity to own and govern overseas resources. A world in which all could buy and sell on the global market was arriving. It is a world, however, which is now feeling the pinch in the natural resources with which Africa is richly endowed. Meanwhile, the continent is in many places run by outfits that resemble gangs rather than governments. At their most dysfunctional (as in Congo) this disintegration seriously impedes the extraction of resources, because security, communications and infrastructure break down. But a solution beckons: buy your own gang. You hardly need visit and are certainly not required to administer the gang's territory. You simply give it support, munitions, bribes and protection to keep the roads and airports open; and it pays you with access to resources.

The Indians Are Coming Like China, India is looking for raw materials and new markets for its goods. New Delhi hopes that a nuanced, south-south relationship will give it the edge. Indian officials insist that this is not a matter of competing with China, but the summit mirrored a far larger gathering convened by China in Beijing in 2006, and there is little doubt that the two countries are potentially fighting for the same spoils. Both have rapidly growing needs for imported oil and raw materials (especially minerals), and view Africa as a key source of supply. India currently imports 11% of its oil from Africa (mostly Nigeria), but is seeking more—especially from Angola—leading in some cases to direct competition with China.

Asia

George Clooney Is Trumping Asia's Poverty Fight Kuroda is no glory hound. And the ADB tends to fly below the radar of global markets, attracting far less attention than the World Bank or International Monetary Fund. No organization will play a bigger role in fostering peace and prosperity in a region on which investors and executives are depending for future profits. The widening gap between Asia's rich and poor has been a major theme in recent years. The worsening global food crisis is an even bigger challenge and makes the ADB's mission more pivotal than ever. If there was ever a time for Asia to join hands and cooperate, it's today. Surging food and oil prices are growing threats to social stability in Asia. Remember, it was the increasing cost of living that ended Suharto's 32-year dictatorship in Indonesia in 1998. Leaders from New Delhi to Manila need to be prepared for potential unrest sparked by economic upheaval. The risk is growing as the prices of crude oil, rice, corn, wheat and soybeans reach unprecedented levels. When Rajat Nag, managing director at the ADB, says ``the era of cheap food is over,'' he's really explaining why Asian markets could be in for a bumpy few years. Wider fiscal deficits may become the norm as governments subsidize food and energy costs. That may lead to credit-rating downgrades, higher bond yields and less money for poverty reduction and education. The developing world's ability to invest in its future is in jeopardy.

China's Success is Good for the World Holding the Olympic Games in Beijing was always going to be controversial. China's leaders are not usually ignorant of history. They know what happened when the Games were held in South Korea and Mexico: running, jumping, diving and swimming were accompanied by protesting. But for China the risk of embarrassment is greatly outweighed by the chance to celebrate the country's re-emergence as a great global power. China's history in most of the past two centuries is best passed over in sympathy. Ravaged by Western powers, including Britain, invaded by Japan and tormented by warlords and the worst excesses of Maoism, the Chinese missed out on both stability and prosperity for more than 150 years. But since the Deng-ist reforms of the 1980s, the Chinese economy has taken wing. Only 40 or so years since the Great Famine and the Cultural Revolution, China has turned itself into the world's workshop - big importer and exporter, lender of first resort to the American Treasury and banks. It is no surprise that China thinks that economic success is worth celebrating with more than a few fireworks. I find it difficult to understand why some people regard the rise of China as a threat. China's success is good for the world. One of the main contributors to the rapid economic growth from 2001-2007 - despite terrorism, wars and the rise in the price of oil - was that China and India had joined the more open world economy. Would the rest of us be better off if China was still dirt poor? Would we be well served by a collapse of the Chinese economy? It is lousy economics to argue that when China gets richer, the rest of us automatically get poorer. Not do I share the view that the century ahead will inevitably see a hegemonic struggle between the US and China. That is not inevitable, and it is certainly not desirable. What we may well see for a while is a half-hearted attempt to challenge the model of liberal and democratic capitalism that America and Europe have pioneered. I do not myself believe that freedom will lose in that peaceful encounter.What is clear is that we should seek to work with, not against, China. That does not mean giving up our own views on human rights and the rule of law.LEADERSHIP: China Prepares to Invade North Korea

 

Limited Options in Burma How many people have died in Burma (Myanmar) since Cyclone Zargis struck the South Asian nation on May 3? Last Tuesday, Burma's dictatorship officially put the death toll at 34,000, with another 30,000 missing. The United Nations estimated 60,000 dead. Western governments and media argued 100,000 dead might be a better figure, once the statisticians account for casualties caused by disease and displacement. Add "delay" to the disease and displacement -- in the case of Burma, delay caused by a dictatorship resisting aid efforts (most from Western nations) and emergency supplies. Burma's regime is pursuing a modified "Darfur strategy," at least the Darfur political strategy as pursued by Sudan's dictatorship in Khartoum. For the last three years, the Sudanese government has been resisting, thwarting, dodging and blocking international relief and peacekeeping efforts in Darfur, carefully relenting -- by an inch or two -- when the public and economic pressure reaches a momentary crescendo. The Burmese junta knows the script. Terrible examples litter the 20th century. With starvation as the weapon, Stalin's Russia mass murdered Ukrainians in the 1930s. Ethiopia, Somalia and Sudan's various "intra-state" wars are more recent cases. Saddam Hussein's regime created an ecological disaster by desertifying the splendid agricultural marshlands of the lower Euphrates and Tigris Rivers in order to destroy Shia Arab communities. In Burma, a few (the junta) wield vast physical power over the rest. Ditto North Korea. Ditto Sudan. Economic sanctions, economic rewards, harsh words, warm words and sharp threats may nudge these regimes, but the dictators only move when it's in their interest. When 100,000 deaths serve the interest of the local thugs, then the realistic options are starkly limited.

May 19, 2008

SoW I (the Good): Britain, Brazil, Mexico and India

SoW stands for State of the World and we ended up accumulating enough readings that we'll end up with multiple posts covering various parts of the world that share some common characteristics. Those however won't strictly be geography or level of economic development. Rather we're going to emphasize a redcurrant theme - what does a stable, progressive and prosperous society require to achieve those goals. Earlier we'd reviewed (Iraq Resartus (Readings): Stability, Progress and Will) the situation in Iraq using the comprehensive, thorough and deeply insightful work of Col. David Kilcullen, the Australian counter-insurgency expert, to analyze the situation in Iraq. The point we'll make here is that the "nation-building" requirements that we've re-learned so painfully in Iraq are the same ones, at various stages of development, required to answer those critical questions. If you'll take another look at the chart it lays out the structural underpinnings that create a good society - things we often take for granted in the US and in the rest of the developed world. Yet ones that are scarce and difficult to come by in many places, not least Iraq of course. But our point remains that each and every society must "answer the mail" on these critical elements. As you skim over the excerpts below we'd ask you to read them with this in mind.

The excerpts cover Britain - one of the historical exemplars for centuries of an adaptive and innovative society where these pillars are so deeply embedded in the Culture that everybody, not just the Brits, takes them for granted. But consider for example what other even of the advanced countries where that is true ? France - it had a major revolution as recently as the 1950s ? Germany - well under the aegis of the US they've managed to establish and keep a democratic system since the end of the Occupation (NOTE: not the end of WW2). Who else ?

Two countries that have had relatively small instabilities but seem to be making some sort of progress are Brazil and Mexico. Mexico has been ruled by the same institutional framework since the Revolution of the early 20thC and has undergone major changes in the last decade or so. But finds itself seriously challenged by drugs and violence. Contrawise Brazil finally seems to be moving into the camp of societies that have learned the cardinal rule: "we're all better off when we're each better off". And to continue to pursue a moderate, centrist course vs its' historical swings between Populist demagoguery and Oligarchic dictatorship.

Finally India which, as a lead character in one of my favorite fun movies (Bride and Prejudice) India is a very young democracy which has nonetheless managed to remain stable, cohesive, and now, growing. Not without some really serious and growing challenges of course. As last week's headlines about terrorist bombings show. Kilcullen's summary chart, reproduced here, is actually a pretty good checklist of the things that any society must do. Keep it in mind any time you see the headlines and ask yourself - against that checklist how would we rank the various factors ?

Once you stop taking our hard-won heritage for granted and asking those questions your views on how the world works might develop in very different directions indeed. Try it, you may not like it of course. But it'll be good for you, and us. :) !!

Britain

The final triumph The big electoral tent that New Labour built may have collapsed, but many of its intellectual pillars are still standing. Indeed, the revival of the Conservatives under David Cameron arguably represents the project's final triumph. The basic New Labour insight was that Britons cared about both economic efficiency and fairness, and could be persuaded that they were not irreconcilable. Mr Cameron is now making the same dual offer, with several of the original ramifications. Second, the National Health Service. Tony Blair may have been slow to realise how badly it needed to change; there may be too little improvement to show for the money he and Mr Brown have thrown at it. But they have nevertheless entrenched a consensus in favour of a universal, taxpayer-funded health service. When Mr Cameron insouciantly outlined his priorities for government on May 6th, he expressly ruled out an overhaul of the NHS. Following the New Democrats in America, New Labour itself, of course, energetically cross-dressed in the 1990s. Mr Cameron's manoeuvre on poverty is an eerie echo of Mr Blair's drive, before and after he became Labour leader in 1994, to make the core Tory issue of crime his own. Mr Blair and Mr Brown also bowed to the basic precepts of Thatcherite economics (privatisation, a flexible labour market and so on). That safeguarded those policies—but helped to thrust the Conservatives themselves into a confused, protracted purgatory. The agony of Gordon Brown

Brazil and Mexico

The delights of dullness Compared with Russia, India or China (the three other big emerging economies that Goldman Sachs, an investment bank, grouped together six years ago into the BRICS), that still makes Brazil a deadbeat. Yet the comparison is misleading. Brazil is a much richer country than China or India. Its economy grew by an average of 7% a year from 1940 to 1980, the result of the meeting between capital and a vast labour force that sucked people into cities, where 83% of Brazilians now live. Brazil enjoys several advantages over the other three. First, the divide between city and countryside is not as threatening as it is in India and China. Second, it has an entrenched multi-party democracy coupled with freedom of expression that helps it to negotiate social change, unlike China and Russia. Third, it exhibits none of the aggressive nationalism that grips the other three from time to time. “I can easily see Brazil's detractors looking back in 20 years' time and saying: 'we called that one wrong',” says John Briscoe of the World Bank in Brasilia. Brazil is well placed now, because it has dealt with the three main problems that have dogged it since it entered a 20-year slump in 1980. These are inflation, debt and democracy.

Brazil Joins New Economic Powers Brazil seemed out of its league when compared to dynamic emerging economies of Russia, India and China. But without great fanfare, Brazil's economy has turned a big corner. Already a power in agriculture and natural resources, it has added an elusive ingredient: a currency with staying power. For much of the decade, slow-growing Brazil seemed out of its league lumped in with the dynamic emerging economies of Russia, India and China in the so-called BRIC group. Skeptics said that RIC was more like it. But slowly and without great fanfare, Brazil's economy has turned a big corner. Already a global power in agriculture and natural resources, Brazil has added a key ingredient that had long eluded it: a currency with staying power. In turn, that's helping unleash the greatest burst of prosperity the country has witnessed in three decades, attracting foreign investors by the score and providing a growth engine for a flagging global economy. For the second consecutive year, Brazil's economy is growing at around 5%. That's still a far cry from Chinese growth levels. But the expansion has enabled Brazil, which seemed on the verge of a massive debt default in 2002, to build up enough stockpiles of U.S. dollars to outweigh its entire foreign debt and become a net creditor nation for the first time in its history. Brazil's newfound stability has elevated millions of poor Brazilians into the middle class, making it the largest population bracket in a nation long known for having only haves and have-nots. Adding to the optimism, Brazil recently made some vast new offshore oil discoveries that could catapult it into the ranks of major oil exporters.

Can the army out-gun the drug lords? Four top police officers, and more than a hundred people, are killed over the course of a single week in drug-related shootings. “FEAR is our chief safeguard,” Pericles declared in his funeral oration, “for it teaches us to obey the magistrates and the laws.” In Mexico, however, fear has become the chief aid not of the state, but of those who are trying to subvert it. On May 8th, Edgar Millán Gómez, Mexico's acting chief of police, was shot nine times as he arrived home late at night. One of his bodyguards, who was also wounded, managed to wrestle the police chief's assailant to the ground and arrest him. Mr Millán was conscious for long enough to ask his killer who was behind the hit, but died before he could get a reply. The answer to his question, provided later by investigators, helps cast some light on why it is so hard to end drug-related violence in Mexico. They say that his assassin was sent by José Antonio Montes Garfias, another federal police officer. Furthermore, the people who organised Mr Millán's killing were also behind the assassination on May 1st of Roberto Velasco Bravo, head of the federal police's organised crime division. The involvement of the police in some of the killings helps to explain the lack of sympathy for dead policemen. Part of the problem, he says, is that it is impossible to know which police officers lost their lives because they were doing their jobs, and which ones died because they were allied with a drug gang. The lack of public confidence in the police undermines their effectiveness and makes them more open to corruption. Unable to rely on the police, President Felipe Calderón's habitual response to violence has been to send the army into trouble spots.

India

India Looks to Iran In Hunt for Energy India hosted Iran's president Tuesday as the South Asian country's huge appetite for energy drives it to forge an unusual web of alliances. In a visit that lasted less than five hours, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad met with India's president, prime minister and other senior officials before returning home. The brief stop, following visits by Mr. Ahmadinejad to Pakistan and Sri Lanka, was aimed at pushing ahead billions of dollars of energy deals between Iran and India. But India at the same time is edging closer to Iran's chief enemies -- the U.S. and Israel -- meaning it must increasingly balance partnerships with widely diverging interests.

In India, Death to Global Business the Naxalites may be the sleeper threat to India's economic power, potentially more damaging to Indian companies, foreign investors, and the state than pollution, crumbling infrastructure, or political gridlock. Just when India needs to ramp up its industrial machine to lock in growth—and just when foreign companies are joining the party—the Naxalites are clashing with the mining and steel companies essential to India's long-term success. The threat doesn't stop there. The Naxalites may move next on India's cities, where outsourcing, finance, and retailing are thriving. Insurgents who embed themselves in the slums of Mumbai don't have to overrun a call center to cast a pall over the India story. Officials at the highest levels of government are starting to acknowledge the scale of the Naxal problem. In May a special report from the Planning Commission, a government think tank, detailed the extent of the danger and the "collective failure" in social and economic policy that caused it.

 

Blood in the Pink City These outrages are routinely blamed on jihadist groups such as Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami, tied to Bangladeshi militants, or Lashkar-e-Taiba, whose spiritual leader sermonises from Pakistan. But according to Wilson John of the Observer Research Foundation, an Indian think-tank, India now has “a cocktail of terrorist groups, without any tag.” One called the Indian Mujahideen claimed responsibility for the attacks and released a video clip of the unexploded bike bombs. Regardless of origin, the jihadists share a common aim: “to balkanise India,” as Mr John puts it. By attacking religious sites and festivals, they hope to provoke a backlash, which will in turn radicalise India's 150m Muslims, half a million of whom live in Jaipur district.So far they have enjoyed little success. The day after the blast, the walled city was under curfew until 6pm.

May 16, 2008

Brave New World: Non-Flatness, History and Challenges

We've talked before about the tremendous changes going on all around is, which significantly impact all of the political and policy challenges we face (discussed in the last two posts). But we'd like to take a step back and talk about the "brave new world" that's emerging here. After the break you'll find a collection of readings which speak to this macro concerns from the accelerating pressures and breakdowns facing Europe's middle class, on which sustainable long-term prosperity and socio-politico development depend, to growing strains in the world system as more countries reach beyond initial takeoff. That middle class breakdown is a symptom of these deeper and larger changes as are exponentially rising energy and commodity costs and the metastasis of the food crisis. Fareed Zakaria's recent appearance on Charlie Rose is worth an evening's entertainment. He's always thoughtful though we don't endorse all of his arguments and conclusions. But in his argument that we're facing a new and growingly multi-polar world we wholeheartedly agree and second. What we find enormously ironic is that this new world has been visible for almost a decade now. In other words Zakaria's position is something he should have come to a long time ago...but then he had a few distractions. What that does tell us, given that he's an "inside-baseball" player is the level of grasp on the things going on around us.

Just to wrap some context around this discussion let's take a look at the long-term performance of Europe over the last two millenia (again basing our charts on the work of Angus Maddisson). Take a look at the chart on the right which shows the average % change in GDP, Population and GDP per capita for as long as Prof. Maddisson's data will allow us to take a look and let's decipher it a bit. One would think that such dry statistics are....well, dry. But in fact when you stop to think about it the entire history of the Continent is represented from a certain perspective. The stories, the lives, the achievements and the disasters. And it all shows up in the numbers. Stop and think for a minute what the per capita numbers might be telling us - in how many centuries could how many people afford even a basic minimal caloric requirement ? In Fogelman's work(The Fourth Great Awakening and the Future of Egalitarianism) on l.t. bionomic indicators he found that ~ 1/3 of the European population wasn't eating well enough to work more than a few hours/day. And that it wasn't until the post WW2 revival that food intake was sufficient to create a healthy lifestyle for the majority of the population.

You can see the various periods in European history laid out rather cleanly. History may not be entirely what you thought it was but you can see the 700 years of a Malthusian economy from 1000-1700 where famine was a constant threat. Yet you can also see the period of the High Middle Ages when GDP rose relatively rapidly, partly thru population growth but also thru the invention of major new technologies from the horse collar to windmills. Dark indeed ! Then you see the beginnings of the Smithian revolution in 1700 when GDP and per capita growth exploded though population growth flattened out as the requirement to have lots of babies was replaced by the advantages of investing more in children who might survive. And then of course there was the Industrial Revolution which changed the game for Europe, and everybody else now. But what did Europe do with their new found wealth ? They committed suicide. Look at the abrupt drops in all indicators beginning around 1913. Talk about paying the piper ! You can see the post WW2 recovery (think Marshall Plan please) where GDP and per capita income recovered. Yet population growth slowed and has now gone negative. In the long-run it's the sum of productivity and population growth that increases wealth and well-being. Europe appears to have replaced a rapid suicide with a slow-motion democide. That along explains all the "guest workers" brought into France, Germany and elsewhere in the '80s. And the foundations for the current minority troubles all the European countries have experienced.

So you see numbers can tell a story as dramatic as any written by the great Greek playwrights...if you know how to read the text. Now as you read the following excerpts consider what other stories are being told about the rest of the world duplicating the early history of Europe's rise. The question is...can they and we find an alternative to adjusting to the pressures than the ones the Europeans founds ? 

Dysfunctions, Breakdowns & Challenges

For Europe’s Middle-Class, Stagnant Wages Stunt Lifestyle The European dream is under assault, as the wave of inflation sweeping the globe mixes with this continent’s long-stagnant wages. Families that once enjoyed Europe’s vaunted quality of life are pinching pennies to buy necessities, and cutting back on extras like movies and vacations abroad. Potentially more disturbing — especially to the political and social order — are the millions across the continent grappling with the realization that they may have lives worse, not better, than their parents. “I have this feeling that there is a wall in front of us,” said Axel Marceau, a 41-year-old schoolteacher living outside of Frankfurt. “We’re just not going to get any further.”  His concerns are well-founded. A study by the German Institute for Economic Research in Berlin found that the broad middle of the German work force, defined as workers making from 70 to 150 percent of the median income, shrunk to 54 percent of the population last year, from 62 percent in 2000. Much of the declining purchasing power of European workers can be traced to those numbers, and to policy decisions and economic developments over the last decade when globalization began to reshape Europe and the world. In Germany, Europe’s largest economy, the decline in purchasing power began in 2000, when employers started wresting wage concessions from unions, or simply shifting jobs to Eastern Europe and China. Inflation-adjusted incomes rose from 1 percent to 2 percent in the late 1990s, but more than one million Germans lost full-time jobs during and after a recession in 2000 and 2001. Subsequently, workweeks got longer without extra pay, and from 2004 through 2007, inflation outpaced income increase for the average family.

Nationalism Frays Global Ties The world isn't as flat as it used to be. During the long march toward globalization, international borders and trade barriers came down. Communism fell. Protectionist walls in Latin America and elsewhere were dismantled. Governments -- long prone to meddling in trade -- took a back seat to broader market forces. In a globalization manifesto, New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman declared that the Internet and other planet-spanning technologies were erasing national boundaries. The world, he said in a 2005 best seller, was flat. No longer. The global economy appears to be entering an epoch in which governments are reasserting their role in the lives of individuals and businesses. Once again, barriers are rising. Call it the new nationalism. The rising strength of national governments expresses itself in different ways. For rich countries, it generally means higher taxes and more regulation. In the 30 mostly rich countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, tax revenue as a percentage of the local economy was higher in 2005, the latest year surveyed, than a decade earlier. That's because of the rising cost to governments of health care and social security.

Re-thinking the New World

The End of the End of History In the early 1990s, optimism was understandable. The collapse of the communist empire and the apparent embrace of democracy by Russia seemed to augur a new era of global convergence. The great adversaries of the Cold War suddenly shared many common goals, including a desire for economic and political integration. Even after the political crackdown that began in Tiananmen Square in 1989 and the disturbing signs of instability that appeared in Russia after 1993, most Americans and Europeans believed that China and Russia were on a path toward liberalism. Boris Such determinism was characteristic of post-Cold War thinking. In a globalized economy, it was widely believed, nations had no choice but to liberalize--first economically, then politically--if they wanted to compete and to survive. As national economies approached a certain level of per capita income, growing middle classes would demand legal and political power, which rulers would have to grant if they wanted their nations to prosper. The economic and ideological determinism of the early post-Cold War years produced two broad assumptions that shaped both policies and expectations. One was an abiding belief in the inevitability of human progress, the belief that history moves in only one direction--a faith born in the Enlightenment, dashed by the brutality of the twentieth century, and given new life by the fall of communism. The other was a prescription for patience and restraint. Rather than confront and challenge autocracies, it was better to enmesh them in the global economy, support the rule of law and the creation of stronger state institutions, and let the ineluctable forces of human progress work their magic. But the grand expectation that the world had entered an era of convergence has proved wrong. We have entered an age of divergence. During the Cold War, it was easy to forget that the struggle between liberalism and autocracy has endured since the Enlightenment. It was the issue that divided the United States from much of Europe in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. It divided Europe itself through much of the nineteenth century and into the twentieth. Now it is returning to dominate the geopolitics of the twenty-first century. The rulers of Russia and China believe in the virtues of a strong central government and disdain the weaknesses of the democratic system. They believe their large and fractious nations need order and stability to prosper. They believe that the vacillation and chaos of democracy would impoverish and shatter their nations, and in the case of Russia that it already did so. They believe that strong rule at home is necessary if their nations are to be powerful and respected in the world, capable of safeguarding and advancing their interests. Chinese rulers know from their nation's long and often turbulent history that political disruptions and divisions at home invite foreign interference and depredation. What the world applauded as a political opening in 1989, Chinese leaders regard as a near-fatal display of disagreement. So the Chinese and Russian leaders are not simply autocrats. They believe in autocracy.

'Terror and Consent' He writes: “We will not win the Wars against Terror if we do not understand the novelty of the problem we face.” He argues that misunderstandings of the situation have led to a flawed American strategy in Iraq, to moral failings in the treatment of prisoners in Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo and to a risk of militarizing American domestic life. But Mr. Bobbitt also says that accurate perceptions lay behind the very impulse to call this struggle a “war on terror.” He sees in modern terrorism “a threat to mankind that is unprecedented” and predicts that in facing it, more changes will come than during the Long War. Such “nation state terrorism” led to the idea that terrorists were essentially freedom fighters. An alphabet soup of terrorist groups, including the I.R.A. and P.L.O., defined themselves around such ambitions. Similar groups still exist, of course, but the ascendancy now is with Al Qaeda and its ilk. They are not interested in national liberation or mercantile success. They seek to break down the established order of states and enthrone another form of authority (overseen by Islamic jihadists). Such groups are global and decentralized, prepared to “outsource” their attacks and readily trade weaponry and secrets. There are consequences to these new formations. Contemporary terrorist groups, Mr. Bobbitt shows, are far less concerned with the death of innocents than their predecessors; they are not seeking to sway public opinion, but to expand their domain of terror. Weapons of mass destruction become so much more threatening because traditional ideas of deterrence have less sway — and this at the very moment when the global marketplace offers frightening options. But when facing this new market-state world, we often mistakenly apply the older nation-state model, which blinds us to both opportunities and dangers. Mr. Bobbitt traces many of the early errors in Iraq to a misconception that the confrontation was a traditional battle between nation-states. Similar misconceptions, he argues, are at the root of the idea that terrorism could possibly be controlled by police action; in such an approach the need to anticipate and preclude terrorist action, rather than punish it, is overlooked. Even the structure of intelligence agencies, Mr. Bobbitt argues, is a relic of the battles last fought.

David Brooks: The Cognitive Age The globalization paradigm has led, in the political arena, to a certain historical narrative: There were once nation-states like the U.S. and the European powers, whose economies could be secured within borders. But now capital flows freely. Technology has leveled the playing field. Competition is global and fierce. New dynamos like India and China threaten American dominance thanks to their cheap labor and manipulated currencies. Now, everything is made abroad. American manufacturing is in decline. The rest of the economy is threatened. The globalization paradigm has turned out to be very convenient for politicians. It allows them to blame foreigners for economic woes. It allows them to pretend that by rewriting trade deals, they can assuage economic anxiety. It allows them to treat economic and social change as a great mercantilist competition, with various teams competing for global supremacy, and with politicians starring as the commanding generals. But there’s a problem with the way the globalization paradigm has evolved. It doesn’t really explain most of what is happening in the world. Globalization is real and important. It’s just not the central force driving economic change. Nor is the globalization paradigm even accurate when applied to manufacturing. Instead of fleeing to Asia, U.S. manufacturing output is up over recent decades. As Thomas Duesterberg of Manufacturers Alliance/MAPI, a research firm, has pointed out, the U.S.’s share of global manufacturing output has actually increased slightly since 1980.  The chief force reshaping manufacturing is technological change (hastened by competition with other companies in Canada, Germany or down the street). The central process driving this is not globalization. It’s the skills revolution. We’re moving into a more demanding cognitive age. In order to thrive, people are compelled to become better at absorbing, processing and combining information. This is happening in localized and globalized sectors, and it would be happening even if you tore up every free trade deal ever inked.

Food  Crisis

Freer Trade Could Fill the World’s Rice Bowl RISING food prices mean hunger for millions and also political unrest, as has already been seen in Haiti, Egypt and Ivory Coast. Yes, more expensive energy and bad weather are partly at fault, but the real question is why adjustment hasn’t been easier. A big problem is that the world doesn’t have enough trade in foodstuffs. The damage that trade restrictions cause is probably most evident in the case of rice. Although rice is the major foodstuff for about half of the world, it is highly protected and regulated. Only about 5 to 7 percent of the world’s rice production is traded across borders; that’s unusually low for an agricultural commodity. So when the price goes up — indeed, many varieties of rice have roughly doubled in price since 2007 — this highly segmented market means that the trade in rice doesn’t flow to the places of highest demand. Poor rice yields are not the major problem. The United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization estimates that global rice production increased by 1 percent last year and says that it is expected to increase 1.8 percent this year. That’s not impressive, but it shouldn’t cause starvation. The more telling figure is that over the next year, international trade in rice is expected to decline more than 3 percent, when it should be expanding. The decline is attributable mainly to recent restrictions on rice exports in rice-producing countries like India, Indonesia, Vietnam, China, Cambodia and Egypt. Restrictions on the rice trade run the risk of making shortages and high prices permanent. Export restrictions treat rice trade and production as a zero- or negative-sum game where one country’s gain comes at the expense of another. That’s hardly the best way to move forward in a rapidly growing world economy.

Silver Lining in High Food Prices Today's soaring commodity prices scream a fundamental truth of modern life that many politicians, particularly in the West, don’t want us to hear: the world’s natural resources are finite, and, as billions of people in Asia and elsewhere escape poverty, Western consumers will have to share them. Here is another truth: the price mechanism is a much better way to allocate natural resources than fighting wars, as the Western powers did in the last century. The United States’ ill-considered, biofuels, subsidy programme, demonstrates how not to react. Rather than acknowledge that high fuel prices are the best way to inspire energy conservation and innovation, the Bush administration has instituted huge subsidies to American farmers to grow grains for biofuel production. Never mind that this is inefficient in terms of water and land use. Moreover, even under the most optimistic scenario, the US and the world will still be relying mainly on conventional fossil fuels until the hydrocarbon era comes to an end (which few of us will live to see). Last but not least, diverting vast tracts of agricultural land into fuel production has contributed to a doubling of prices for wheat and other grains. With food riots in dozens of countries, isn’t it time to admit that the whole idea was a giant, if well-intentioned, mistake? Another wrong turn is the proposal recently embraced by presidential candidate Hillary Clinton to temporarily scrap taxes on gasoline. As laudable as it may be to help low-income drivers deal with soaring fuel costs, this is not the way to do it. The gas tax should be raised, not lowered. The sad fact is that by keeping oil prices high, Opec is doing far more for environmental conservation than Western politicians who seek to prolong the era of unsustainable Western consumerism. Of course, it isn't just the cost of oil that is high, but all commodity prices, from metals to food to lumber. Prices for many commodities have doubled over the past couple of years. Oil prices have risen almost 400 per cent in the last five years. The proximate cause is a global economic boom that has been stronger, longer, and more broad-based than any in modern history.

May 14, 2008

Policy Challenges: From Coasting Along to Coping ?

Our prior post (Campaign, Candidates & Consequences: the Emerging Race for the Middle) reviewed the election situation with a focus on deep structure (demographics, attitude evolution) and the acceleration toward a pragmatic but radical middle. Radical in the sense that the focus is on what we need to do together and what works vs. the decade+ of ideological indulgences and self-delusion. In an earlier post (Framing the Radical Center: a Policy Agenda for the 4th Republic)we outline what we saw as the strategic policy agenda that we face and here we borrow a key chart from that post as a reminder and a way to filter and organize the readings excerpts below.

They start with a column by David Brooks which is informative and instructive where he talks about the parallels between British and American evolution since 1980. The obvious is Reagan/Thatcher followed by Clinton/Blair. He then posits that the Brits didn't have a Gingrich revolution, followed by vituperative and self-destructive politics focused on ideologies and winning from the base (the Rove strategy). Now he sees the Tories having learned from their time in the wilderness and coming back with a completely re-thought position which, if accurate, is brilliant. They've accepted the overall strategic agenda but are extending it with a focus on de-centralization, localization and independence  as opposed to massive central government. Whether they do or not the thesis is a great on IOHO. What Brooks misses though is that Gingrich was able to seize power because Clinton did not mirror Blair at all. Tony took the best of the Thatcher/Major positions of market-aligned economics and added a sensible social policy. Clinton's first initiatives were a return to the BigGov theories of the '60s which proved unworkable and un-salable. The bottomline is that we squandered a decade while the Brits have moved on from strength-to-strength. Adapting the best of what went before to the exigencies of the moment. And adopting, as the Tories new thinking illustrates, new initiatives when the times require them.

Now it's time for us to do a similar re-thinking. As we argued previously the political machinery is migrating to the Center. The real question is in all the myriad policy arenas will we be willing to face up to major changes required to cope with the new realities. My own outlook is hopeful but not sanguine. Hopeful in that the right things are finally on the table and being more reasonably discussed. Not sanguine because denial and populist posturing still seems to be the order of the moment. The questions we really need to face are what's really going on, how does it work, where do we want to end up and how do we get from here to there. Given that many of these challenges have been built up over decades and are just beginning to come home to roost, and that addressing them requires hard work stretching beyond the term of the next President, what we require is a willingness of the voters to push for realistic and workable strategies. In other words it's up to us not the politicians.

So do we drink more kookaid or go sober ? Now that's an interesting question, isn't it ? 

Rebirth and Renewal

 

The Conservative Revival It used to be that American conservatives shaped British political thinking. Now the influence is going the other way. For years, American and British politics were in sync. Reagan came in roughly the same time as Thatcher, and Clinton’s Third Way approach mirrored Blair’s. But the British conservatives never had a Gingrich revolution in the 1990s or the Bush victories thereafter. They got their losing in early, and, in the wilderness, they rethought modern conservatism while their American counterparts were clinging to power. Today, British conservatives are on the way up, while American conservatives are on the way down. British conservatives have moved beyond Thatcherism, while American conservatives pine for another Reagan. The British Conservative Party enjoyed a series of stunning victories in local elections last week, while polls show American voters thoroughly rejecting the Republican brand. The flow of ideas has changed direction. It used to be that American conservatives shaped British political thinking. Now the influence is going the other way. The British conservative renovation begins with this insight: The central political debate of the 20th century was over the role of government. The right stood for individual freedom while the left stood for extending the role of the state. But the central debate of the 21st century is over quality of life. In this new debate, it is necessary but insufficient to talk about individual freedom. Political leaders have to also talk about, as one Tory politician put it, “the whole way we live our lives.” As such, the Conservative Party has spent a lot of time thinking about how government should connect with citizens. Basically, everything should be smaller, decentralized and interactive. They want a greater variety of schools, with local and parental control. They want to reverse the trend toward big central hospitals. Health care, Cameron says, is as much about regular long-term care as major surgery, and patients should have the power to construct relationships with caretakers, pharmacists and local facilities. Cameron also believes government should help social entrepreneurs scale up their activities without burdening them with excessive oversight.

Security, Trade and Energy

Petraeus Is Picked to Replace Fallon as Head of U.S. Forces in Middle East Army General David Petraeus, the U.S. commander in Iraq, has been chosen by President George W. Bush to become head of all American forces in the Middle East and Central Asia. Petraeus, 55, would succeed Admiral William Fallon if confirmed by the Senate. Fallon stepped down last month after a dispute with the Bush administration over perceived policy differences on Iran and reports that he had clashed with Petraeus over how deeply to draw down troop levels in Iraq. The promotion to head the U.S. Central Command would expand Petraeus's responsibilities to include the war in Afghanistan, where his counter-insurgency expertise would be applied to the fight against a resurgent Taliban militia. Army Lieutenant General Raymond Odierno, the former deputy commander in Iraq, will step into the top spot, Gates said at a Pentagon news conference today. Odierno will replace Petraeus in Iraq in late summer or early fall, Gates said. Asked if Petraeus's elevation signaled a hardening U.S. position toward Iran, Gates said there was no disagreement among senior commanders -- including Fallon -- about the need to confront Iran over its conduct in Iraq.

In the 2003 invasion of Iraq, U.S. generals David Petraeus and Ray Odierno could hardly have seemed more different in approach. But they later formed a partnership that helped both land top jobs on Wednesday.

Military's odd couple rises up the ranks The scholarly, wiry Petraeus had his troops working on politics and economics to revive the northern city of Mosul in 2003 while the giant, shaven-headed Odierno conducted tough combat operations around Tikrit, Saddam Hussein's home town. Petraeus won widespread praise for his approach while Odierno faced criticism that his tactics drove local people into the arms of insurgents, although he insisted his sector was very different from Mosul and needed a robust approach. The two men came together again in Iraq last year to implement a strategy that helped drive down violence and marked a change in image for Odierno as he stressed the importance of reconciliation and good governance to bring stability. A former senior U.S. officer who has worked extensively with both men said Odierno's thinking had evolved. But he said Odierno was always a far more thoughtful officer than his formidable appearance might suggest. "This guy has a degree in nuclear engineering," the former officer said. "One should not be confused by his size. Many have made that mistake." Although critics have questioned whether the gains in Iraq are sustainable, both Petraeus and Odierno have won praise for helping pull the country from the brink of all-out civil war.

Nicholas Kristof on free trade with Colombia For seven years, Democrats have rightfully complained that President Bush has gratuitously antagonized the world, exasperating our allies and eroding America’s standing and influence. But now the Democrats are doing the same thing on trade. In Latin America, it is Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton who are seen as the go-it-alone cowboys, by opposing the United States’ free-trade agreement with Colombia. Colombian cities like Medellín were the most dangerous cities in the world in the 1980s and ’90s, but now they are thriving and homicide rates are well below those of some American cities. One reason is those bouquets you buy, entering duty-free from Colombia. These days Colombia is the world’s second-largest exporter of flowers after the Netherlands, and almost 200,000 people work in the flower industry. Up to 28 cargo planes a day carry flowers from Colombia to the U.S. Better carnations than cocaine, no? Critics of the free-trade pact worry that it would hurt American workers. But Colombian goods already enter the U.S. duty-free; what would change is that American exporters would get access to the Colombian market. The last few years have seen enormous gains in security and the quality of life in Colombia — and that’s why President Álvaro Uribe has an 85 percent approval rating. Democrats instinctively criticize Mr. Bush when he harms America’s standing in the world. That’s easy. But a test of intellectual honesty is your willingness to hold your own side to the same standard and to point out pandering in those politicians you normally admire. One of President Bush’s most costly actions was his flat rejection of the Kyoto climate treaty; it symbolized a my-way-or-the-highway approach that bolstered anti-Americanism around the world. If the Colombia free-trade pact is rejected and the U.S. backs away from its commitment to expanding trade, that may be the Democrats’ equivalent of Kyoto, signaling a retreat from internationalism. It would be seen as the United States thumbing its nose at the world.

·         Tomato Growers Cut Crop amid Immigration Worries Tomato growers in New Jersey say tougher immigration enforcement may change this year's crop. It's getting harder to hire the migrant laborers — many of them from Mexico — who traditionally pick tomatoes during the few weeks when they're ripe. NPR Audio Clip

·         Hormats and Stiglitz on Trade Answering emails, with Robert Hormats, Goldman Sachs International and Joseph Stiglitz, Nobel Prize Winner 2001/Columbia University professor and Edmund Phelps, 2006 Nobel Prize Winner in economics

The Seven Myths of Energy Independence Despite its immense appeal, energy independence is a nonstarter—a populist charade masquerading as energy strategy that's no more likely to succeed (and could be even more damaging) than it was when Nixon declared war on foreign oil in the 1970s. Not only have we no realistic substitute for the oceans of oil we import, but many of the crash programs being touted as a way to quickly develop oil replacements—"clean coal," for example, or biofuels—come at a substantial environmental and political cost. And even if we had good alternatives ready to deploy—a fleet of superefficient cars, say, or refineries churning out gobs of cheap hydrogen for fuel cells—we'd need decades, and great volumes of energy, including oil, to replace all the cars, pipelines, refineries, and other bits of the old oil infrastructure—and thus decades in which we'd depend on oil from our friends in Riyadh, Moscow, and Caracas. Paradoxically, to build the energy economy that we want, we're going to lean heavily on the energy economy that we have. Put another way, the "debate" over energy independence is not only disingenuous, it's also a major distraction from the much more crucial question—namely, how we're going to build a secure and sustainable energy system. Because what America should be striving for isn't energy independence, but energy security—that is, access to energy sources that are reliable and reasonably affordable, that can be deployed quickly and easily, yet are also safe and politically and environmentally sustainable. And let's not sugarcoat it. Achieving real, lasting energy security is going to be extraordinarily hard, not only because of the scale of the endeavor, but because many of our assumptions about energy—about the speed with which new technologies can be rolled out, for example, or the role of markets—are woefully exaggerated. High oil prices alone won't cure this ill: We're burning more oil now than we were when crude sold for $25 a barrel. Nor will Silicon Valley utopian­ism: Thus far, most of the venture capital and innovation is flowing into status quo technologies such as biofuels. And while Americans have a proud history of inventing ourselves out of trouble, today's energy challenge is fundamentally different. Nearly every major energy innovation of the last century—from our cars to transmission lines—was itself built with cheap energy. By contrast, the next energy system will have to contend with larger populations and be constructed using far fewer resources and more expensive energy.

Education & Social Development 

First, Kill All the School Boards The United States spends more than nearly every other nation on schools, but out of 29 developed countries in a 2003 assessment, we ranked 24th in math and in problem-solving, 18th in science, and 15th in reading. Half of all black and Latino students in the U.S. don't graduate on time (or ever) from high school. As of 2005, about 70 percent of eighth-graders were not proficient in reading. By the end of eighth grade, what passes for a math curriculum in America is two years behind that of other countries. Dismal fact after dismal fact; by now, they are hardly news. But in the 25 years since the landmark report A Nation at Risk sounded the alarm about our educational mediocrity, America's response has been scattershot and ineffective, orchestrated mainly by some 15,000 school districts acting alone, with help more recently from the states. Spending by pupil graphic.

Education Lessons We Left Behind, Let us limp down memory lane to mark this week's melancholy 25th anniversary of a national commission's report that galvanized Americans to vow to do better. Today the nation still ignores what had been learned years before 1983. Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan once puckishly said that data indicated that the leading determinant of the quality of public schools, measured by standardized tests, was the schools' proximity to Canada. He meant that the geographic correlation was stronger than the correlation between high test scores and high per pupil expenditures. Moynihan also knew that schools cannot compensate for the disintegration of families, and hence communities -- the primary transmitters of social capital. No reform can enable schools to cope with the 36.9 percent of all children and 69.9 percent of black children today born out of wedlock, which means, among many other things, a continually renewed cohort of unruly adolescent males. Released quietly on the Fourth of July weekend, the report concluded that the qualities of the families from which children come to school matter much more than money as predictors of schools' effectiveness. The crucial common denominator of problems of race and class -- fractured families -- would have to be faced. But it wasn't. Instead, shopworn panaceas -- larger teacher salaries, smaller class sizes -- were pursued as colleges were reduced to offering remediation to freshmen.

 

No Child Left Behind Lacks Bite The troubles in the school-restructuring arena reflect broader questions about whether No Child Left Behind is a strong enough tool to bring about the overhaul of American education. Critics of the federal No Child Left Behind law, including Democratic presidential candidates vowing to overhaul or end it, have often accused it of being too harsh. It punishes weak schools instead of supporting them, as Sen. Barack Obama puts it. But when it comes to the worst-performing schools, the 2001 law hasn't shown much bite. The more-radical restructuring remedies put forth by the law have rarely been adopted by these schools, many of which aren't doing much to address their problems, according to a federal study last year. The troubles in the restructuring arena reflect broader questions about whether NCLB is a strong enough tool to bring about the overhaul of American education. In many ways, the law was an outgrowth of "A Nation at Risk," a pivotal 1983 federal report that warned that a "rising tide of mediocrity" in education could undermine the nation's competitiveness. That report ushered in the era of accountability and testing, which eventually spawned NCLB. Supporters maintain the law is helping to fuel learning gains. In the most recent National Assessment of Educational Progress tests, reading and math scores for fourth and eighth graders rose compared to 2005, albeit only by a few points. But NCLB gave states -- not the federal government -- authority to set the academic standards for local schools. And so, while NCLB requires all students to be proficient in reading and math by 2014, states determine what proficiency is and how they will test for it. A 2007 federal study found states don't exactly agree on proficiency. School Performance Since No Child Left Behind

 

Police Chief Throws Book Discussion at Violent Crime Wave in U.S. Capital -- Washington Police Chief Cathy Lanier is looking to bestselling author Malcolm Gladwell to help tip the balance against crime amid a spike in murders in the U.S. capital. The book club is the latest unorthodox move for Lanier, appointed by Mayor Adrian Fenty in January 2007, with a mandate to try new approaches to fighting crime. The discussion ranged from how to keep trash off neighborhood streets, seen as crucial to keeping crime down, to how to encourage people on the streets to choose something other than a life of crime. Lanier already has encouraged young people to text message alerts of coming gang fights to the authorities, asked families to invite police to search their homes if they suspect someone has a weapon, and tripled the number of officers on the street in response to four homicides in one day in April. ``Rather than speaking about these things in theory or in a vacuum, why not just engage the community and hear directly from residents?'' said Traci Hughes, a department spokeswoman. Lanier, 40, said before the meeting that the ``Tipping Point'' backed her belief in the need ``for an emergence of a new style of policing.'' By reversing the ``sense of hopelessness'' that pervades some neighborhoods and changing people's perceptions about social responsibility, a tipping point can be reached ``that allows some people to break that cycle'' of crime, Lanier said.

Healthcare Conundrums 

Health care waits to ignite as campaign issue The sharply contrasting health care visions of Republican John McCain and his Democratic presidential rivals offer the promise of a grand campaign debate -- if the candidates find room on a crowded agenda. While health care reform ranks as the second-biggest domestic issue after the economy in most national opinion polls, it will compete with the Iraq war, taxes, high gas prices and other topics for a prime-time spot in the campaign for November's presidential election. Nearly two decades of health care debate has made little headway toward finding a consensus approach, and the issue has not been a key factor in a presidential election since the collapse of the Hillary Clinton-led reform effort in 1994.

Cash Before Chemo: Hospitals Get Tough Hospitals are adopting a policy to improve their finances: making medical care contingent on upfront payments. The move was prompted by a spike in patients who don't pay their bills, but the uninsured and underinsured are likely to be hardest hit. Hospitals are adopting a policy to improve their finances: making medical care contingent on upfront payments. Typically, hospitals have billed people after they receive care. But now, pointing to their burgeoning bad-debt and charity-care costs, hospitals are asking patients for money before they get treated. Hospitals say they have turned to the practice because of a spike in patients who don't pay their bills. Uncompensated care cost the hospital industry $31.2 billion in 2006, up 44% from $21.6 billion in 2000, according to the American Hospital Association. The bad debt is driven by a larger number of Americans who are uninsured or who don't have enough insurance to cover medical costs if catastrophe strikes. Even among those with adequate insurance, deductibles and co-payments are growing so big that insured patients also have trouble paying hospitals.

Paying for health care: The $2 trillion puzzle Reducing health care costs - and insuring the 47 million Americans who have no coverage - is the Rubik's Cube of policy puzzles. And it's one that the Democratic and Republican presidential candidates say they can solve. But the partisan divide is wide. Republican John McCain would rely more on individual efforts and market forces to drive down costs. Democrats Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama would rely more on government and establish mandates for companies and individuals. Despite their differences, all three candidates have proposed ways to level the playing field between workers whose insurance costs are subsidized by their employer and those who buy insurance on their own. They also have called for some form of a public program to make health care more affordable for the uninsured and those with pre-existing conditions. And Fronstin is concerned that all three campaigns place too much emphasis on the uninsured and not enough on the biggest problem in America's $2 trillion health care system: runaway costs. Despite encouraging competition, preventative care and modernization, "There's no direct cost control. If you address cost first, it could take care of the uninsured," Fronstin said. "They're trying to create new markets without addressing where the costs are."

Economics, Policy & Regulation

Housing aid bill faces veto by President Bush Democrats' plans to help hundreds of thousands of homeowners struggling with rising subprime mortgage rates and plummeting house values could be sidetracked by President Bush's threatened veto and the backing of many congressional Republicans. Opponents of the plan say more prudent homebuyers and renters shouldn't be called upon to bail out borrowers who gambled on ever-rising housing prices and lost. Democrats say will prevent more foreclosures and help homeowners and communities deal with the fallout from the mortgage crisis. The measure is targeted at homeowners facing default, including many who owe more than their houses are worth. For instance, a homeowner who owes $290,000 on a house now worth $225,000 could refinance into an FHA-backed loan if the mortgage holder was willing to take a loss of about 36 percent. The borrower's monthly mortgage payments would fall from $2,200 to about $1,200. Loan holders would have an incentive to participate, proponents believe, since the alternative would be costly foreclosures, which can involve losses of 50 percent or more.

U.S. Infrastructure Has 3rd World Feel The gulf in public and private infrastructure is, to put it mildly, alarming for US competitiveness.At times I wonder whether the world’s biggest economy has the will to solve its challenges or will end up wandering self-indulgently into the minor economic leagues. I expect it will get serious when the crisis is too blatant to ignore, but it has not done so yet. There are lots of ways in which infrastructure inadequacy matters to the US but I would focus on two. First, it imposes a drag on economic growth. The private infrastructure is poor enough – broadband speeds lag behind other countries and mobile coverage is spotty. But much of the public infrastructure is unfit, a fact that was becoming clear even before Hurricane Katrina flooded New Orleans and a Minneapolis bridge collapsed during rush hour last year. Second, it presents an awful image of the US to investors and other visitors. The state of transport and communications infrastructure is a symbol of a nation’s economic development and the US is starting to look like a third world country. In fact, scratch that. Many developing countries look and feel better. Of course, they are in a different phase of development. The US invested 10 per cent of its federal non-military budget in infrastructure in the 1950s and 1960s as it built the interstate highway system – at the time, the envy of the world. While US investment has fallen to less than 1 per cent of gross domestic product, China has been matching its double-digit postwar record. The bigger problem is that, unlike European countries including the UK, the US shows little sign of finding the will or the funding mechanisms to maintain what it has or to build anew.

The Case for a Newer Deal PART of the New Deal was a new financial deal. The shameful shenanigans leading up to the 1929 stock market crash and the frightening wave of bank failures during the Depression led directly to the creation of the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. As we emerge from this, the worst financial crisis since the 1930s, a New Financial Deal may follow. If so, what should some of the reforms be? An inordinate share of the dodgiest mortgages granted in recent years originated outside the banking system. They were marketed aggressively, sometimes unscrupulously, by mortgage brokers who were effectively unregulated; we have now lived to regret that arrangement. The need for a federal mortgage regulator — including a suitability standard for mortgage brokers — is painfully obvious. Next, we should resist calls to scrap the “originate to distribute” model, wherein banks originate mortgages, which are then packaged into mortgage pools and turned into mortgage-backed securities that are sold to investors around the world. This seemingly convoluted model has given the United States the world’s broadest, deepest, most liquid mortgage markets. And that, in turn, has meant lower mortgage interest rates and more homeownership. These are gains worth preserving. But the model needs some nips and tucks. A far less radical, though still regulatory, approach would require both originating banks and securitizers to retain some fractional ownership of each mortgage pool.

Muzzling the Watchdog THE downfall of Bear Stearns, the release of Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson’s sweeping blueprint for the overhaul of our financial regulatory structure, and the worsening health of the stock market and our economy has raised serious questions for the future of the Securities and Exchange Commission. As the capital-markets regulator and investor’s advocate, the S.E.C. is a natural recipient of finger-pointing during a market crisis. Each of us led the S.E.C. during challenging times — the stock market crash of 1987, the price-fixing scandal at Nasdaq in the 1990s, and the accounting and governance failures and mutual fund scandals of this decade. We are in agreement with Secretary Paulson that the world of finance is changing rapidly, having eclipsed in many areas the regulatory structure put in place, piece by piece, over the past century. Yet we fear that the current conversation about the future of the S.E.C. is getting ahead of itself. Secretary Paulson’s proposals to change the structure and function of the S.E.C., if adopted, risk inflicting serious damage to investors and our capital markets. The current housing and credit troubles do not present a sufficient basis for reforming the entire financial regulatory system. Instead of moving hastily, policymakers need to examine what went wrong, why it went wrong and what the best approaches are for re-establishing the unequaled reputation and performance of the American capital markets.

May 12, 2008

Campaign, Candidates & Consequences: the Emerging Race for the Middle

It's time for an update and a refresh on where we're at in the Presidential campaign, what some of the likely consequences are and some of the deeper changes that are beginning to emerge. Aside from the obvious ones of course :). Like having a Black Man, a Women and a Moderate Republican as the leading contenders. Boy that almost sounds like the opening line to a joke...instead of the plain unvarnished truth. Yet it reflects some of those deeper changes that are going on. We've made that argument a time or three before (see the prior posts at the end please) but just to refresh you memories and my argument let's put up the pivot chart again.

Basically we've argued that the parties and politicians had retreated toward the extremes under ideological pressures and because they could. They could because we coasted thru the '90s on puerile partisanship but in the process focused on narrow special issues, e.g. "Values" as a euphemism for forcing others to comply with your views about behavior. We could afford to do that because the real issues were under control. That is the world was safe for capitalist excess after the fall of the Soviet Union, the economy was in great shape and getting better in every way and we'd fix our minor social problems like Social Security, Education and Healthcare by and by. Well we've resolve all those issues except the end result has been, shall we say, non-positive in all cases. And the further result is that first the American people are moving toward the middle - seeking non-partisan and workable approaches to serious challenges. And they're bringing the politicians with them. And in the process the early policy discussion have even been more focused on what's sensible, workable and useful as opposed to being ideological shibboleths. As Dr. Johnson pointed out many years ago the prospect of a good hanging, especially when it's your own, tends to focus you down on essentials.

All of which you can see reflected in the readings excerpts which are grouped into assessments of its' strategic character - that is big picture demographics, trends and attitude shifts. Followed by reports from the frontlines of the Campaign. And, finally, two widely separated pundits join us at last in celebrating the migration to the middle. One is Jerry Seib of the WSJ and the other is the US political correspondent for the Financial Times. Both of whom are sharp, experienced, and since they agree with us, insightful.

On the "structural front" what we're finally seeing is the basic ecology of American politics evolve beyond the prisons of the last two decades. Politics at the end of the day is local so candidates have to appeal to what local demographics require. But the nature of local and its' characteristics are changing. We're finally seeing the emergence of what we'd like to think of as more modern, or at least forward-looking, foundational characteristics. For example a growing Biracial politics in the South - Hallelujah !! And the Evangelical community experiencing it's own internal backlash against excessive politicking and political manipulation by right-wing leaders and a growing concern with the real fundamentals of the Christian message.

Not least of the news is that the Democratic contest is in the process of winding down since Hillary lost badly in NC and only eee...eked out a slim victory in Indiana. Which is seeing a shift on Barry's part toward the general election. The coverage of the strengths and weaknesses of their respective campaigns is worth thinking about. Now we'll see if the rifts in the Dems can be repaired. Frankly we don't consider them deep or bad and view this campaign as a lot more benign than previous ones, even in recent history. If you go back to earlier American history this is a 2 on a 1-10 scale for ugliness. And as we said before given what we've found out about the candidates, the testing of their characters (the 60lb pack test) and the tabling of some serious initiatives instead of frivolous ideologies we consider we've already won. 

But start here....the Economist's cartoonist perfectly captures much of this election IOHO...

Economist Kal Debate Cartoon: This is a great set of political cartoons that also captures the candidates and the issues extremely well.

Campaign Strategic Character

Four Groups Are Keys to Election As Democrats head to the polls in the crucial Pennsylvania primary Tuesday, a much clearer view of the U.S. electoral puzzle is starting to emerge from the fog of Campaign 2008. Four groups of voters -- working-class males, young people, rural and small-town Americans and Hispanics -- stand out as the key pieces of that puzzle. All four groups are in flux, and they will provide the leading indicators of where the race is heading. The role of these key voting blocs will be much in evidence in Pennsylvania, a state that in many ways is a microcosm of the U.S. While working-class white males are almost evenly divided between Democrat and Republican in party identification, a survey last month showed Sen. McCain beating Sen. Obama among them by 17 percentage points, and Sen. Clinton by 25 points. In many ways, these voters are the classic Reagan Democrats, or traditional Democrats first lured away from the party by Ronald Reagan, and a new Quinnipiac University poll of Pennsylvania shows Sen. Clinton leading among them by 49%, compared with 44% for Sen. Obama.. Yet even with that uptick, young voters turned out in lower proportions than any other age group. Turnout among those under 30 was 49%, compared with 73% of those age 60 to 74, the Rock the Vote data show. The Quinnipiac survey of Pennsylvania shows Sen. Obama leading among Democratic voters under the age of 45 by a 57%-to-41% margin. But the real turnout test will come in November. . Rural and small-town voters are the best indicators of whether a candidate is connecting with the values of Middle America. "They are America," says Peter Hart, a Democratic pollster who helps conduct the Journal/NBC News poll. "Too often Democrats end up with candidates who can speak only to metro America. If you can speak to [rural and small-town America], then you relate to the rest of America.". The Journal/NBC News poll shows that among rural and small-town voters nationwide, 45% have a positive view of Sen. McCain, compared with 38% for Sen. Obama and 32% for Sen. Clinton. The importance of the growing Hispanic population has been much discussed in recent years. What's less understood is just how heavily Sen. McCain's campaign is banking on a strong showing among Hispanics.

Demography Is King This year’s election has revealed a deep cultural gap within the Democratic Party, separating what Stuart Rothenberg calls the two Democratic parties. But that’s all changed. In the decades since, some social divides, mostly involving ethnicity, have narrowed. But others, mostly involving education, have widened. Today there is a mass educated class. The college educated and non-college educated are likely to live in different towns. They have radically different divorce rates and starkly different ways of raising their children. The non-college educated not only earn less, they smoke more, grow more obese and die sooner. The ensuing segmentation has reshaped politics. We’re used to the ideological divide between Red and Blue America. This year’s election has revealed a deep cultural gap within the Democratic Party, separating what Stuart Rothenberg calls the two Democratic parties. The divide has even overshadowed campaigning. Surely the most interesting feature of the Democratic race is how unimportant political events are. Over the years, different theories have emerged to describe the educated/less-educated divide. Conservatives have gravitated toward the culture war narrative, dividing the country between the wholesome masses and the decadent cultural elites. Some liberals believe income inequality drives everything. They wait for an uprising of economic populism. Other liberals divide the country morally, between the enlightened urbanites and the racist rednecks who will never vote for a black man. None of these theories really fit the facts. It’s more accurate to say that the country has simply drifted apart into different subcultures. There’s no great hostility between the cultures. Americans have a fuzzy sense of where the boundaries lie. But people in different niches have developed different unconscious maps of reality.

 

Evangelicals say faith is now too political Conservative Christian leaders who believe the word "evangelical" has lost its religious meaning plan to release a starkly self-critical document saying the movement has become too political and has diminished the Gospel through its approach to the culture wars. The statement, called "An Evangelical Manifesto," condemns Christians on the right and left for "using faith" to express political views without regard to the truth of the Bible, according to a draft of the document obtained Friday by The Associated Press. "That way faith loses its independence, Christians become `useful idiots' for one political party or another, and the Christian faith becomes an ideology," according to the draft. The declaration, scheduled to be released Wednesday in Washington, encourages Christians to be politically engaged and uphold teachings such as traditional marriage. But the drafters say evangelicals have often expressed "truth without love," helping create a backlash against religion during a "generation of culture warring." "All too often we have attacked the evils and injustices of others," they wrote, "while we have condoned our own sins." They argue, "we must reform our own behavior." The document is the latest chapter in the debate among conservative Christians about their role in public life. Most veteran leaders believe the focus should remain on abortion and marriage, while other evangelicals — especially in the younger generation — are pushing for a broader agenda. The manifesto sides with those seeking a wide-range of concerns beyond "single-issue politics."

In Dixie, Signs of a Rising Biracial Politics Across the South, Barack Obama’s smashing primary victory in North Carolina last week reflects a new reality — a half-century of rising Republican red tide has crested, with signs of receding. Over the last two years, there have been little-noticed Democratic gains in Congressional and state legislative elections across the South, as the solid black Democratic base has been joined by whites disenchanted with the Bush administration. New concern about the economy may be adding momentum. The Republican tide surged across the region in the 1990s, bringing large gains in state legislatures and a vault from 39 members of the House of Representatives before the 1992 elections to a 71-53 majority in 2000. But in 2006 and 2007, Democrats in the 11 states of the Confederacy gained six Congressional seats — a Senate seat in Virginia and five House seats — and added 30 state legislators. The trends suggest a region in transformation, with dynamic economic growth, an expanded black middle class, the arrival of millions of white migrants, the return of scores of thousands of African-American expatriates, and an emerging native white generation with little or no memory of racial segregation. The result has been greater tolerance, an expanded pool of talent, and growing openness to new ideas.

Candidates and Consequences

Thinking About November Political scientists, by and large, believe that what happens on the campaign trail, while it gives talking heads something to talk about, is more or less irrelevant to what happens on Election Day. Instead, they place their faith in statistical analyses that identify three main determinants of presidential voting. First, votes are affected by the state of the economy — mainly economic performance in the year or so preceding the election. Second, the approval rating of the current president strongly affects his party’s ability to hold power. Third, the electorate seems to suffer from an eight-year itch: parties rarely manage to hold the White House for more than two terms in a row. This year, all of these factors strongly favor the Democrats. Indeed, the Democratic Party hasn’t enjoyed this favorable a political environment since 1964.

Turnout Heavy in North Carolina, Indiana; Democratic Nomination At Stake Voters flocked to the polls today for primaries in Indiana and North Carolina as Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton battled for momentum in the Democratic presidential race. ``We're seeing turnout that mimics a presidential general election,'' Indiana Secretary of State Todd Rokita said. North Carolina reported lines at some precincts when the polls opened at 6:30 a.m., said Gary Bartlett, executive director of the state's Board of Elections. Almost 500,000 people voted absentee, more than six times the number in 2006, Bartlett said. The state registered 253,000 more voters since Jan. 1, almost half of them Democrats, he said. Turnout in today's Democratic primary could reach a record 50 percent, Bartlett said. Since the 1980s, when the Democratic hegemony in the state was broken, turnout ranged from 16 to 31 percent, he said. ``It is exciting,'' Bartlett said. It's good being a part of history.'' In Indiana, Rokita said turnout was on target to surpass the 1992 primary, when a record 1 million voters went to the polls. Even before the first ballots were cast today, more than 175,000 people had already voted absentee, he said.

Clinton Would Be the Bigger Gamble None of this can be waved away, but still I think Mrs Clinton is the weaker general election candidate. The view that she has more electoral punch comes partly from the entrails of dead psephologists. Forget previous elections: the rules have changed. John McCain is a very odd Republican, appealing more to centrists than to many in the conservative wing of his own party. In their own ways, the two Democrats are even odder and have divided the party along new lines. Claims that, to win, the Democrats must have the support of this demographic slice, or that swing state, need to be heavily discounted.Also, Clintonistas delude themselves that their candidate has been fully vetted, whereas Mr Obama is only now coming under scrutiny. This is an error. Mr Obama is not probing the many scandals of her past, because his campaign is positioned to be above all that. And Mr McCain is not doing it either – not yet – because he expects to be facing Mr Obama in November. If Mrs Clinton were nominated, you can bet that the scandals of the 1990s and before would be dusted down and freshened up. This points to the largest issue for Democrats to bear in mind. In US politics, Mrs Clinton is a uniquely divisive figure. To be sure, division is her element – as one can see, she relishes the fight – and a little of that in a politician is a good thing. But nothing could energise wavering Republicans to turn out for Mr McCain, or de-energise Mr Obama’s bright-eyed new Democrats, so thoroughly as the living prospect of another Clinton presidency. My guess is that she, not Mr Obama, would be the bigger gamble. Hillary's Strange Transformation, The Five Mistakes Clinton Made

Damsel of Distress The Democratic Party can't celebrate the triumph of Barack Obama because the Democratic Party is busy having a breakdown. You could call it a breakdown over the issues of race and gender, but its real source is simply Hillary Clinton. Whose entire campaign at this point is about exploiting race and gender. Here's the first place an outsider could see the tensions that have taken hold: on CNN Tuesday night, in the famous Brazile-Begala smackdown. Paul Begala wore the smile of the 1990s, the one in which there is no connection between the shape of the mouth and what the mouth says. All is mask. Donna Brazile was having none of it. In case you didn't get what was behind that exchange, Mrs. Clinton spent this week making it clear. In a jaw-dropping interview in USA Today on Thursday, she said, "I have a much broader base to build a winning coalition on." As evidence she cited an Associated Press report that, she said, "found how Sen. Obama's support among working, hard-working Americans, white Americans, is weakening again, and how whites in both states who had not completed college were supporting me." White Americans? Hard-working white Americans? "Even Richard Nixon didn't say white," an Obama supporter said, "even with the Southern strategy." To play the race card as Mrs. Clinton has, to highlight and encourage a sense that we are crudely divided as a nation, to make your argument a brute and cynical "the black guy can't win but the white girl can" is -- well, so vulgar, so cynical, so cold, that once again a Clinton is making us turn off the television in case the children walk by.

Obama's Tired Campaign Needs Victory, New Life Right after the Super Tuesday presidential primaries on Feb. 5, Barack Obama's campaign strategists projected the outcome of every subsequent election. Of the 18 primaries and caucuses held since then, they were right on 17, missing only Maine, where Obama won a squeaker. These strategists were so good that they even correctly called the vast majority of the 128 congressional districts that were in play within the states. The internal document -- whose lead author was chief delegate hunter Jeff Berman -- also shows they have been almost dead-on in delegate counts. They have run circles around Hillary Clinton's team. Whether this is political genius or a mere footnote to history may depend on whether the winning streak continues this week; that Feb. 8 document predicted Obama victories in Indiana and North Carolina. This is a campaign that hasn't won anything in some eight weeks; it's a candidacy and message that seems tired. Some of this is beyond their control: Who could have predicted the candidate's own narcissistic pastor would do such harm -- it had to be deliberate -- to a congregant? Still, the cool, cerebral freshman Senator Obama needs to reemphasize his uniqueness. The other possibility is that he seizes the moment and shows how this is a case of politicians deceiving voters for their own personal gain; this proposal wouldn't only lead to a loss of jobs but a loss of intellectual integrity for its advocates. He may still lose Indiana, but a message like that would reinvigorate his campaign.

Moving to the  Radical  Middle

Race to the Middle Graphic (WSJ) After years of gridlock, campaign '08 may yield a new political center. The long, fascinating spectacle of the presidential primaries has all but obscured their potential impact on American politics: Campaign 2008 may break Washington's gridlock by reviving the long-dormant political center. The public's hunger for a change in Washington's ways has formed the backdrop of this year's presidential race from its outset. When the Wall Street Journal and NBC News surveyed voters in December, as the campaign began, almost half agreed that America needed "major reforms and a brand new and different approach" to handling problems. Change may be stirring in other areas that have contributed to gridlock. Voters are pulling politicians toward the middle of the ideological spectrum by registering as independents and calling for centrist solutions. A new cast of political players -- some young, most little-known to the nation -- is emerging to show that there are ways to transcend gridlock by reaching across the aisle. Sens. McCain and Obama explicitly base their appeals to voters on the premise that they can reach out both to independent voters who are affiliated with neither party, and to politicians of the opposite party. A precedent for such a governing style recently has been set: Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger of California and Mayor Michael Bloomberg of New York have led the way, each succeeding largely by detaching themselves from their Republican party and governing as independents. Voters are pushing the system in precisely this direction: The share of the public registered as neither Democrat nor Republican, but rather as independent, has exploded in recent years. Business and labor organizations, equally frustrated with Washington's problems, also are fueling the drive for new and more bipartisan ways of doing business. In the twilight phase of the Bush term, some have started linking arms to find solutions. Ultimately, the need to solve some especially daunting problems in the next decade or so may force Washington's rival power centers into united action, much as World War II and the Cold War did in decades past. The two parties' success over previous decades in conquering problems that demanded national consensus -- civil rights, the defeat of the Communist threat, welfare reform -- has pushed the agenda in recent years onto topics where there is less consensus. WSJ vidclip.

Election Will Be Decided Down the Middle - The identity of the two candidates also speaks to a significant geographic shift in the centre of gravity of American politics. It will be the first election since 1984 in which neither candidate has roots in, or a strong connection with, the South. Not much of this will matter in voters' minds, however. Instead, the contest is likely to be determined by what they make of two bigger questions, what political scientists might call meta-issues, that will underpin almost everything that happens between now and November 4. The other crucial meta-theme is the sudden and unexpected decline of partisanship. For the past decade American politics has been deeply polarised. The middle ground shrank to a mere sliver of no man's land across which the two parties fired their partisan ammunition. George Bush won two elections in large part by mobilising his core Republican base better than his Democratic opponents managed theirs.

This year, in a complete reversal, the two parties will be fighting for a vastly expanded swing vote. They have selected two candidates almost uniquely well placed to appeal beyond their party.

 

Prior Posts

 

May 11, 2008

Really Re-membering Mother's Day: the Prices of Freedom

Well it's not only Sunday morning, and therefore, time for our usual effort at something a bit more reflective. It's also Mother's Day which will be widely celebrated for good reason. We'd like to take a bit of a different tack, not surprisingly, and reflect on the prices paid by Mother's Sons that we might enjoy and celebrate the day. Below is a collection of readings, excerpts and pointers to vidclips that make our points for us so it doesn't seem like much more comment is required. What we'd ask of you therefore is to take a bit of time to read and reflect, perhaps watch a vidclip or three. If, like myself, you've never served in the military it's always hard to put yourself in the other's shoes and emphathize with their experiences though we owe it to ourselves to try. It is, perhaps, much easier to sympathize. So just remember that as we celebrate this day that our ability to do so rests ultimately on what Lincoln called "so costly a sacrifice on the alter of Liberty". And on these Mothers raising sons, and now daughters, who are willing to step up and pay the full cost of citizenship.

One final observation - it's often writing and other creative works, non-fiction and fiction, that often best allow us to experience the Other. Taking advantage of technology we conclude with a favorite episode of one of our all-time favorite TV shows, Babylon 5. This one is called GROPOs and, at least by our lights, tells as good a story about the human costs as anything we know of. Plus, to persuade you to watch it, it's as fine a piece of drama as anything IOHO. 

Readings

Bush gives Medal of Honor to Navy SEAL Navy SEAL Michael A. Monsoor had fast thinking to do when a live grenade came out of nowhere to bounce off his chest: Take the clear path to safety that he had but his comrades didn't, try to toss it safely away, or throw himself on top of it. With barely an instant's hesitation on that Iraqi rooftop, Monsoor took the last course, sacrificing his life to save the men around him. For that, President Bush on Tuesday awarded him the Medal of Honor. In an East Room ceremony, Bush presented the nation's highest military honor to Monsoor's still-grieving parents, Sally and George Monsoor. About 250 guests, including his sister and two brothers, fellow SEALS, other Medal winners, many friends and GOP Sen. John McCain and other members of Congress, looked on quietly. "The Medal of Honor is awarded for an act of such courage that no one could rightly be expected to undertake it," Bush said. "Yet those who knew Michael Monsoor were not surprised when he did."

  • First hand account of medal of Honor recipient George Wahlen for his service as a medic during the World War II battle of Iwo Jima. (YouTube Vidclip).
  • The American Soldier's Journeys  A short look at American fighting men through the history of film. A film montage that tells a story (YouTube Vidclip)
  • Disturbing Phone Call - WARNING: Soldier Language. Parents of a soldier in Afghanistan received a disturbing phone call from their son when his cell phone inadvertently called home during battle.
Cartoons Go to War Bill Mauldin's unflinching vision has yet to be beat…a slide-show essay on Bill Mauldin's one-of-a-kind war cartoons.

Michael Yon's "Moment of Truth in Iraq" Michael Yon is one of those unusual Americans who emerge in wartime to do the jobs that need to be done. The job he is doing is covering combat in Iraq at the gritty, confusing and valiant level of close combat, and doing so with honesty, passion and professional expertise. His new book, "Moment of Truth in Iraq," testifies to that. Yon isn't World War II's Ernie Pyle, he's the Global War on Terror's Michael Yon. This is a different war with a very different media environment. Yon "self-embedded" with U.S. combat units in 2005 -- paying his own way and getting donations through his Website michaelyon-online.com. Given the Internet and digital technology, it isn't really surprising that emails and Web logs (blogs) have been the richest sources of detailed, day-to-day combat reporting. Yon is part of this new media environment. His technique, however, is Pyle's -- be there with the troops, with the Iraqis, in the vehicles, on foot patrols, in the alleys and in the homes, then tell what happened and tell it well. Yon writes: "I prefer to write what I see with my own eyes in the streets and on the battlefield, to paint a picture as intimate and rich in detail as I can, and then ... let the reader come to his own understanding." Twice already I've read out loud the following passage from "Moment of Truth" in its entirety, and both times my small audience asked, "Why don't we hear more stories like this?" Michael Yon Online

BABYLON 5: GROPOs

 Just to repeat myself a bit here's the B5 episode that we're recommending. It starts out kinda fund and just starts raising deeper and deeper questions of what it means to be a Soldier. And what it means to be a friend or family member of a soldier. The denonuement, to use a very fancy word for a very emotional scene without words, comes at the very last few minutes. After a build-up over the whole show. But you be the judge. Total cost...about 45 min. Total benefit... priceless ? Though we may have given it away with the scene we've clipped out, mostly in search of motivation.But, in our humble estimation, when you here the USN Corpsman talk so carefully about his experiences that it's difficult to grasp the raw ugliness this helps wrap a real context around those bare, simple words. If you have trouble with the graphic try this URL: http://video.aol.com/video/video-category/1668166 

 

 

May 10, 2008

Iraq Resartus (Readings): Stability, Progress and Will

It's time for another slightly deep dive on Iraq, both for its' own sake and for the value of the lessons learnable. We say learnable because the lessons are there if one wants to pay attention to them. Or one can focus on the popular mythology that's grown up under political pressures and partisan posturing. In actual point of fact something of a miracle has occurred but we'll get to that and our reasons for saying. Let's start with this fascinating appearance on the Rose program of Meghan O'Sullivan who served on the NSC for Iraq and is now at the Kennedy School. She lays out a balanced, informed and "feet-on-the-ground" assessment of where we were and the challenges facing us. Interestingly, and evidence for the learnability conundrum, is that it was a rather low-rated show, despite the balance and honesty on a critically important issue.

Eine Kleine Nachthistorische...a Little Night History 

Just to review the bidding we'll make three points. First, as a counter-factual. Saddam was undoing the sanctions rather rapidly leveraging Oil-for-Food, corrupting politicians around the world and enlisting the support of both France and Russia. He did in fact have a weapons program if no inventory that was re-startable and scalable and he did have extensive contacts with terrorists. And for those who further forget their history we'd had an extensive no-fly near-combat and troops on the ground for a decade and to get his grudging appearances of new cooperation put 140,000 troops on his borders. Unsustainable.

Second we conducted a brief, lightening fast and brilliant blitzkrieg to seize the country, remove Saddam and turn it over to a civilian government. And therein lies the most fundamental problem. But we should also mention that leading up to the war we struggled with the diplomatic air cover which was nowhere near as good as it should be but also not much worse, given the aforementioned corruption, than it could be. We didn't lay out a clear and motivating national objective and instead used the WMD maneuver instead of laying out the true depth and breadth of the challenges. And third we completely mis-judged the nature of the problem, the fundamental problem. There was no government, stable socio-politico class or other source of potential "turnover". Instead Iraq collapsed into a primitive tribal state. No you can wave your arms all you want about those failures - and we have - but it's also fair to say nobody could have estimated the true depth of dysfunction that Saddam had created. Much worse than Stalin in the old Soviet Union. What was needed was an "American Caesar" to go in, assume supreme authority and re-build the institutional infrastructure of the country. Much as we did in Japan or Germany after WW2. Only it took us almost two years to come to that realization.

Third, and there's the ebb-n-flow of the Baathist/alQuada insurgency, the overt and covert subversion of Iraqi stability by Iran and the diabolically clever triggerring of Shia-Sunni conflict by alQ. Clever not brilliant because their intransigence, cruelty and abuse eventually led to their complete rejection by the people. Who in fact do want a better society. As a sidenote btw we'd also mention the notion of a Rat Trap - for everybody who claims we neglected Afghanistan we'll point out that every nutjob  who wanted to be a Jihadi terrorist who might have had to be hunted down in those mountains they all came to Iraq, got themselves killed and, with their indifference to civilian lives, alienated the Arab street across the ME. Net net not bad in the cruel calculus that applies. Nontheless we made two further major mistakes, that built on the vacuum mis-understanding. We approached the tactics and strategy via the lens of conventional warfare and we completely ignored and neglected the real nature of Iraqi culture and the role of tribes.

And Then a Miracle Occurs

The miracle is that we completely re-thought, re-tooled and re-directed our policy, strategy, tactics and training. The military that when into Iraq had learned the lessons of nation-building and counter-insurgency multiple times, most recently on this scale in Nam. As an old military history buff I spent a lot of time reading up on all that but never realized that as soon as they disengaged all those painfully bought lessons were thrown away to return to their roots of heavy armored warfare. Worse yet, as we've learned, the senior leadership of the Army during that era learned and knew the lessons of COIN but was never able to change the institution at the time.

As Jim Stockdale points out in his book, "Philosophical Fighter Pilot" the greatest difficulty, calling for the most profound moral courage and leadership, is not to just admit when you're wrong. It's to stick with the problem and it's metastasized new forms and figure out what to do with the real situation. Not only the Army refused to change. Worse people, especially, like McNamara realized in '67 that they were wrong. And refused to adapt thru an utter failure of moral courage and leadership responsibilities. One should view "Fog of War" as the apologia of a man who sent thousands to their deaths because he failed in his duties. 

Well we've learned, adopted, adapted and changed. We've previously discussed the work of Col. David Kilcullen who was instrumental in this process. For a fair and balanced assessment of the situation his Rose appearance is as good as it gets and perfectly complements O'Sullivan's. But if you read/look at no other thing take a look at his presentation to the COIN think tank of the US Army: Kilcullen’s Presentation on COIN and Iraq (!!!!!).

It doesn't get any better than that in terms of lessons, history, assessment, examples and the role of "kinetics" vs the other 90%. To give you a flavor we've extracted a couple of his charts. Which use Iraq as their case but look back widely at all the history of COIN operations and draw on everybody from Lawrence on down. Kilcullen lays out a complete framework for what it takes to establish peach and security, how old cultures and societies break under the lack, how economic and socio-political initiatives have to function and some specific lessons. Here's the real rub: the framework works to understand, analyze and strategize any effort to build a peaceful and prosperous society. In fact it not only applies to other nation-building challenges, e.g. Africa, but could serve as a useful platform for understanding, suitably adapted, of the challenges facing the leaderships of Russia or China. Or for that matter ourselves as we wrestle with re-building our own inner cities.

This second chart  more specifically lays out the  multiple layers of effort required  from Counter-Terror  to  Count-Insurgency to Peace-keeping Operations to true Nation-building. Fortunately our inner city challenges aren't as dire as the top two layers but sure bear a lot of resemblance to the bottom one. And when people keep urging us to go into Darfur it's not going to be solved with a few "Western" troops. In fact that's as naive, arrogant and wrong a mis-conception as the nay-sayers always claimed Kipling was. If you want to know how well he understood things from Kilcullen's perspective and how little the wishful thinkers get it go read some of his poetry.(Kitchener's School)

As you skim over the readings below please keep all this in mind. The standard popular mythology and MSM reporting has gotten the recent efforts by the Iraqi central government to supress the Sadrists completely wrong. In fac this is one of the single most encouraging things to have happened in Iraq since the beginning. It shows that first off the Sunni west is coming into the fold and beginning to rejoin the government and the society. So that, secondly, supression of the most dangerous Shia power-seekers can now absorb the efforts and resources of a newly confident central authority who was able to use a newly built and hugely more competent national security force. And that Iran, the proximate source of the problem, is now on the table to be dealth with. As Kilcullen points out we've got a long way to go to get a stable, secure, peaceful and prosoperous Iraq. But a lot of the right things are slowly moving into place and we're more on the right path than we've evern been. 

IRAQ

IRAQ: Mahdi Army Fades Away After a month of fighting, the Mahdi Army has disappeared from the

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streets of Basra, the largest city in the south. The army and police are everywhere, and people are providing information on where Mahdi Army personnel are hiding out, and the locations of their weapons caches. Up north, in the Sadr City section of east Baghdad, the Mahdi Army is still fighting hard. But the army and police have the upper hand, and are pushing the Shia militiamen back block by block. Mahdi Army leader Muqtada al Sadr has responded by threatening to order his men to go after American troops if the government does not back off. That's won't work, because the Mahdi Army is not particularly skillful, and not very united either. He recently ordered his troops to stop fighting Iraqi soldiers and police, and concentrate on the Americans. The Iraqi security forces have not reciprocated, and continue coming after the Mahdi Army. Meanwhile, Sunni Arab politicians have returned to the government. These Sunni Arab political parties had walked out of the government nine months ago, angry over the failure to guarantee their rights, safety and share of the oil revenue. Since then, the Sunni Arab terrorism effort has been shattered, with many of the Sunni Arab terror groups switched sides and joined the war against al Qaeda.

U.S. and Iran Find Common Ground in Iraq’s Shiite Conflict In the Iraqi government’s fight to subdue the Shiite militia of Moktada al-Sadr in the southern city of Basra, perhaps nothing reveals the complexities of the Iraq conflict more starkly than this: Iran and the United States find themselves on the same side. The causes of this convergence boil down to the logic of self-interest, although it is logic in a place where even the most basic reasoning refuses to go in a straight line. In essence, though, the calculation by the United States is that it must back the government it helped to create and take the steps needed to protect American troops and civilian officials. Iranian motivations appear to hinge on the possibility that Mr. Sadr’s political and military followers could gain power in provincial elections this fall, and disrupt the creation of a semiautonomous region in the south that the Iranians see as beneficial. The American-Iranian convergence is all the more remarkable because of mutual animosity. Although there are many groups in Iraq — Shiite and Sunni, Turkmen and Kurd — it is a majority Shiite country, and in the end the geopolitical calculus of the United States and Iran has to do with what kind of Shiite government they want in control. The party that Iran and the United States are backing, the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq, is a bitter rival of Mr. Sadr’s political movement and has managed to play to the interests of both countries. Under Iraq’s Constitution, provinces can form regions with considerable independence from Baghdad. The Supreme Council advocates a large, semiautonomous region in the south, similar to Kurdistan in the north, made up of the nine southern provinces.

Back to Basra: Challenging the Blunderbusses Today, Maliki and Iraqis in general have earned the right to sneer at such instant and shallow media negativism, for Knights Charge (code name for the anti-Shia gang offensive in Basra and southern Iraq) is proving to be an extraordinarily significant political and military operation with rather heady long-term payoffs. That's key -- understanding Knights Charge is an integrated political-military operation. Maliki made it clear that this multidimensional operation was planned and executed by the Iraqis themselves and that the United States was not consulted. Even attempting Knights Charge signals increasing Iraqi confidence in their own capacities. Confidence does not ensure competence -- cockiness can get you killed -- but experienced military trainers and teachers know achieving trainee or student competence requires building confidence. Knights Charge, however, was much more than a confidence-building measure; it may be the most decisive example of a country-building measure we have seen since Saddam fell in April 2003. Fierce Iraq Kurd and Sunni Arab political support for Knights Charge has strengthened Maliki's government -- that's nation-building by the Iraqis themselves. I believe this was the Iraqi government's key strategic domestic objective. In over their heads or a heady move? Knights Charge demonstrates the Iraqi democratic government's expanding reach and increasing effectiveness. Iran's mullah dictatorship will always try to destabilize Iraq, that's a given. But now Tehran says publicly it supports the Iraqi government's counterinsurgent efforts.

Iraq's Maliki says factions agree to rejoin government Parties that walked out of Iraq's government last year have agreed to rejoin, Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki said on Thursday, in what could amount to a long-awaited political breakthrough. The main Sunni Arab bloc, the Accordance Front, said it intended to submit a list of candidates for cabinet positions within days and could be back in Maliki's government soon. Its return has been a major goal of the United States. But Maliki also repeated a warning that militia groups must disarm, a sign he is unlikely to reconcile quickly with Shi'ite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr and his political movement. The Front's exit following a range of policy disagreements left Maliki's cabinet with mainly Shi'ites and Kurds. It set back efforts to draw Sunni Arabs, who had been dominant under the late dictator Saddam Hussein, closer into the political process and away from Iraq's insurgency and sectarian bloodshed, in which tens of thousands of Iraqis have been killed. A return of the Front would also be a major political boost for Maliki at a time when he is trying to isolate the Sadrists, who argue the crackdown on militias is an attempt to sideline them ahead of provincial elections in October. Sadr pulled his six ministers from Maliki's government a year ago after Maliki refused to set a timetable for the withdrawal of U.S. troops.

Iraq Team to Discuss Militias With Iran Iraqi officials have previously traveled to Iran, but this appears to be the first time that an elite delegation has been dispatched to take up reports of Iranian intervention. In recent weeks, President Bush and other American officials have complained about what they say is a growing Iranian role in arming, training and financing antigovernment Shiite militias. Iraqi military officials said their forces discovered a large cache of Iranian-made arms in Basra several weeks ago, in the course of the Maliki government’s offensive against militia groups there.Some had markings indicating they were made this year, according to American military officials. The Green Zone in Baghdad, which is the seat of the Iraqi government and the site of the American Embassy, has regularly come under fire from Iranian-made rockets. Many Iraqi Shiites, including officers in the military, resent Tehran’s efforts to influence events in Iraq, which they say are aimed at undermining the government. But many others, who spent years in exile in Iran, see a country that is also deeply connected to Iraq, through religious bonds and kinship ties. And some Shiite political parties have received considerable support from Iran. Speaking to Al Arabiya, Mr. Maliki stressed that his diplomacy should not be seen as a slap at the Iranians. “It must not be interpreted as if it’s a turn against Iran, and then I was dragged into clashes with the Sadr movement,” he said. However, in the same interview, he warned “all those who interfere in Iraqi affairs” and specifically mentioned Iran.

 

IRAN: It Wasn't Me With the collapse of Sunni Arab terror groups in Iraq, the biggest source of attacks on U.S. and Iraqi troops has become Shia Arab groups (like the Mahdi Army). These are backed by Iran (with cash, weapons and technical experts). Recently, the Iraqi government sent a group of Shia politicians to Iran, to try and get this terrorism support stopped. The Iraqis brought with them evidence (documents, names, photos). The Iranians denied everything and sent the Iraqi politicians packing. Meanwhile, some members of the ruling elite in Iran are speaking openly about what a bad thing such interference is, but will not come right out and name names, much less insist that the Quds Force be reined in. The Iranian government did say that shutting down the Shia militias in Iraq was a good things. The Iraqi government took the hint (that the Quds Force activities was an internal matter for Iran), and stopped complaining openly. At least for now. But to make their point, the Iraqis turned around and supported the United Arab Emirates in a dispute with Iran over ownership of three Persian Gulf islands. In response, Iran recalled its ambassador to Iraq. The Gulf Arabs, who are largely Sunni, see Iraq as suspect because most of the population is Shia (as are nearly all Iranians). But this backing of their fellow Arabs, over the islands dispute, makes Iraq "one of us (Arabs)." Despite the religious affinity, Iraqis tend to come down on the side of being an Arab, and anti-Iranian (Iranians are not Arab, but ethnic cousins of Europeans and Indians), when it really counts. The U.S. (not to mentioned Palestinians, Israelis, Egyptians and Lebanese) are also upset about Iranian support of Hizbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza. These two groups are recognized terrorist organizations, and are the recipients of cash, weapons and technical experts from Iran. Officially, the Iranian government denies all this, but radical elements in the government are less shy about admitting to it. Thus the Iranian Revolutionary Guards and Quds Force are an embarrassment to the government, especially when these radicals boats of their mischief in Lebanon, Gaza, Iraq and elsewhere. For example, Iran has been backing the Lebanese Shia Hizbollah group in its efforts to take control of the Lebanese government. This has recently led to open combat between Hizbollah and Lebanese government forces. Iran denies any involvement, it always does. 

 

Perseverance Pays Off in Baghdad The recent violence in Sadrist areas of Baghdad should not distract us from the big picture. The capital city of Iraq is immensely more at peace than it was a year ago. This time last year, there were deep booms and the rattle of extended firefights from virtually all around the compass throughout the day and night. Such incidents are now a rare occurrence in a week. Some of the reasons for this progress are better known than others. The surge, the Awakening Councils and the neighborhood-based counterinsurgency program have received solid credit. But the condign effects of the Iraqis' own Baghdad Services Committee and Popular Mobilization Committee have garnered little attention outside Iraq, perhaps because they are led by Ahmed Chalabi, the returned exile who is far more controversial abroad than at home. Yet these days the committees' weekly government-level meetings are attended by ministers and American and Iraqi generals from David Petraeus on down. The Popular Mobilization Committee (PMC) was launched in February 2007. It now supervises the activity of some 3,000 volunteers around Baghdad. They, in turn, operate a localized system of 120 neighborhood watch committees. They provide intelligence, report trouble, help settle returnees to their homes and the like. They have been crucial in stabilizing the city neighborhood by  neighborhood. The BSC has gained a considerable reputation around Baghdad for taking government ministers into neglected areas, television cameras in tow, to shame the government into action. Mr. Chalabi's political party, the Iraqi National Congress, also recently launched a weekly newspaper entirely about services, in which citizens get to sound off and government officials are asked to respond. The practical projects of these committees aside, one could argue that their greatest service has been psychological: to show that the problems of Baghdad, and by implication Iraq, are not some bottomless pit of chaos. They can be dealt with concretely and overcome with perseverance.

 

How We'll Know When We've Won Virtually everyone who wants to win this war agrees: Success will have been achieved when Iraq is a stable, representative state that controls its own territory, is oriented toward the West, and is an ally in the struggle against militant Islamism, whether Sunni or Shia. This has been said over and over. Why won't war critics hear it? Is it because they reject the notion that such success is achievable and therefore see the definition as dishonest or delusional? Is it because George Bush has used versions of it and thus discredited it in the eyes of those who hate him? Or is it because it does not offer easily verifiable benchmarks to tell us whether or not we are succeeding? There could be other reasons--perhaps critics fear that even thinking about success or failure in Iraq will weaken their demand for an immediate "end to the war." Whatever the explanation for this tiresome deafness, here is one more attempt to flesh out what success in Iraq means and how we can evaluate progress toward it.

Let's 'Surge' Some More  It is said that generals always fight the last war. But when David Petraeus came to town it was senators – on both sides of the aisle – who battled over the Iraq war of 2004-2006. That war has little in common with the war we are fighting today. I may well have spent more time embedded with combat units in Iraq than any other journalist alive. I have seen this war – and our part in it – at its brutal worst. And I say the transformation over the last 14 months is little short of miraculous. The change goes far beyond the statistical decline in casualties or incidents of violence. A young Iraqi translator, wounded in battle and fearing death, asked an American commander to bury his heart in America. Iraqi special forces units took to the streets to track down terrorists who killed American soldiers. The U.S. military is the most respected institution in Iraq, and many Iraqi boys dream of becoming American soldiers. Yes, young Iraqi boys know about "GoArmy.com." Equally misguided were some senators' attempts to use Gen. Petraeus's statement, that there could be no purely military solution in Iraq, to dismiss our soldiers' achievements as "merely" military. In a successful counterinsurgency it is impossible to separate military and political success. The Sunni "awakening" was not primarily a military event any more than it was "bribery." It was a political event with enormous military benefits. The huge drop in roadside bombings is also a political success – because the bombings were political events. It is not possible to bury a tank-busting 1,500-pound bomb in a neighborhood street without the neighbors noticing. Since the military cannot watch every road during every hour of the day (that would be a purely military solution), whether the bomb kills soldiers depends on whether the neighbors warn the soldiers or cover for the terrorists.

Michael Yon's "Moment of Truth in Iraq" Michael Yon is one of those unusual Americans who emerge in wartime to do the jobs that need to be done. The job he is doing is covering combat in Iraq at the gritty, confusing and valiant level of close combat, and doing so with honesty, passion and professional expertise. His new book, "Moment of Truth in Iraq," testifies to that. Yon isn't World War II's Ernie Pyle, he's the Global War on Terror's Michael Yon. This is a different war with a very different media environment. Yon "self-embedded" with U.S. combat units in 2005 -- paying his own way and getting donations through his Website michaelyon-online.com. Given the Internet and digital technology, it isn't really surprising that emails and Web logs (blogs) have been the richest sources of detailed, day-to-day combat reporting. Yon is part of this new media environment. His technique, however, is Pyle's -- be there with the troops, with the Iraqis, in the vehicles, on foot patrols, in the alleys and in the homes, then tell what happened and tell it well. Yon writes: "I prefer to write what I see with my own eyes in the streets and on the battlefield, to paint a picture as intimate and rich in detail as I can, and then ... let the reader come to his own understanding." Twice already I've read out loud the following passage from "Moment of Truth" in its entirety, and both times my small audience asked, "Why don't we hear more stories like this?"

 

May 09, 2008

An Admin Note: the Customer Service Oxymoran

Just an admin note for faithful readers and other checkers by. We intermittently get service interruptions where we're unable to post for "a while". Since out host is Yahoo...ahem, ahem,...., Tech Support is ATT.... and real Tech Support is Movable Type the chain of causality and responsibility is often murky at best. Unfortunately this outage has gone on for around 24+ hours instead of the usual 2-3.

We hope to get some major posts up "real soon now" as our hero Jerry Pournelle used to say and we'll be right back.

May 06, 2008

Knowing China (Readings): Issues, Trends, Futures, Culture

China has been unprecedentedly successful over the last several decades in creating a rapidly growing and modernizing economy that has brought more wealth and well-being for more people than at any other time in history. Anybody's history. Hopefully they'll be able to continue but associated with that development are a rising set of challenges that arise as a consequence. Some of those issues have to do with how China relates to the world, how it develops the necessary institutional infrastructure and how it recovers and re-develops the necessary cultural values. Before we dive into discussing those and the related readings let's wrap it in a little context with the chart at right. Drawing on the work of Angus Maddisson on long-term economic development it shows shares of world GDP by major region. For well over a 1,000 years Asia was the dominant economy, not largest. DOMINANT. And for nearly 1500 it was the largest. It wasn't until the Industrial Revolution really got going toward 1870 that its' relative share declined. Well boys and girls welcome to the brave new world where China, India and the rest of Asia is re-discovering, or re-covering, their historical positions.

Now long-term socio-economic performance is based on three things: population growth, growth in productivity and social-economic structure. For millenia no matter what else what went on we were all trapped in the Malthusian economy cycling from feast to famine. Western Europe began to break out of that with the emergence of Commercial Capitalism around the late 1600s but China under the Sung dynasty had done the same thing around 1000 a.d. In the West however the socio-economic innovations were the foundation for the industrial revolution. At the end of the day it is this "big picture" organization of society that enables the breakout. The West has enjoyed a 100 years of clear superiority based on it's organizational innovations but societies learn, adopt and adapt. Asia is beginning to do that.

The two major drivers of socio-economic resiliency are Institutions and Values. We've pretty well established that the key institutions for capitalism and industrialization are secure private property that's immune from arbitrary seizure - otherwise nobody makes long-term commitments. And the Rule of Law and a justice system that is fair, predictable and credible. As well as a government that provides these things as well as security and isn't too predatory in it's tax collections. Better even if those taxes are re-invested in the general social capital, from bridges to education to healthcare because that re-investment of capital accelerates growth, health and per capita income.

That's the necessary institutional framework for progress. A parallel requirement is a set of values that place an emphasis on hard-work, honesty and diligence. That's the values part. China enjoyed nearly 1.5 millenia of prosperity because it had a history of enterprise, good government that was on the whole honest and acted in the general interest, had a large population and natural wealth and a set of Values developed almost 3,000 years ago that supported the sinews of a stable and relatively prosperous society. Take all that down to today. China is having to adjust to its' growing importance on the world stage, to become an invested stakeholder as Zoellick puts it.It must also adapt and innovate its' current institutional infrastructure to increase the security of the population, address growing income distribution disparities and gain and maintain a sense of legitimacy; that is it must convince the populace that it deserves to be the government. All of which places a burden on the political and cultural processes.

The latter is addressed by culture, both high and low. Low culture, as we've discussed are those unconscious and pre-programmed rules by which we live our lives and make decisions. The Chinese have a bedrock foundation that's been consistent for many millenia. What they lack is a sense of purpose and commitment which is the role of High Culture. Ironically, in case you haven't noticed, the Government has been promoting what it calls "Social Harmony" as the new set of values that replace the now badly discredited Communist doctrines. Unfortunately under Mao they did their level best to destroy their cultural inheritances in the name of progress. Considering the corruption and dysfunction of the last dynasty's final decades one can hardly blame them. But what do they evolve to replace it ?

Well there are several pieces of good news. First off Chinese cultures, as all are, is extremely persistent and much of the old high culture survived. On that note btw "Social Harmony" was the central value of Confucianism and of good Chinese government. But even more importantly a new Chinese "intelligentsia" has emerged that is wrestling with developing a new High Culture. Hopefully they will be successful.

After the break you'll find a set of readings on Chinese current events, particular the recent talks with Taiwan as well as the unrest in Tibet where they are talking to representatives of the Dalai Lama. Yet if various protests get out of hand we'd be in danger of seeing the sort of spontaneous combustion of popular protest that has brought down prior dynasties in Chinese history. At the same time China has a healthy, vibrant and evolving socio-economic eco-system based on adaptations of historical institutions which we hope continue and become more formal and structured; and thereby sustainable. Finally we borrow several recent NYT reviews to illustrate a small sampling of the new efforts at re-developing a High Culture.

These are indeed interesting times.....boy, don't you just hate that. Thought it's not as if we have any choice. As Gandalf puts its it, "we don't choose the times we're given. It's up to us to deal with them as best we may" ! 

China News

China's Hu to Go to Japan China said its president, Hu Jintao, will go to Japan on Tuesday for the first trip there by a Chinese head of state in a decade, highlighting improving ties between the two neighbors. Mr. Hu's planned five-day visit is the clearest sign yet that Asia's two largest economies are moving beyond longstanding political disputes that have often overshadowed mushrooming trade and investment ties. The trip comes slightly more than a year after one by Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao that signaled the shift toward improving relations after the departure of former Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi. Relations under Mr. Koizumi were marked by rancor partly because of Chinese anger over his repeated visits to the Yasukuni shrine, which honors about 2.5 million Japanese war dead, including 14 convicted Class-A war criminals from World War II. Japan has apologized for its occupation of China from the 1930s until the end of that war, but Beijing has said that those apologies are insufficient given the atrocities it says Japanese soldiers committed in China.

Protests of the West Spread in China Nationwide demonstrations against a French supermarket chain spread on Sunday as thousands of people protested what they said was France’s sympathy for pro-Tibetan agitators. The protesters have also been singling out Western news outlets, especially CNN, for what they said was biased coverage of unrest in Tibet. In a sign that the government was still allowing anti-foreign sentiment to spill over into rare street demonstrations, thousands of people rallied on Sunday in front of Carrefour markets in six cities, including two, Harbin and Jinan, where there had not been protests earlier. Demonstrators carried banners saying, “Oppose Tibet Independence” and “Condemn CNN,” according to the official Xinhua News Agency. The rallies are the largest public outpouring of nationalistic fury since 2005, when tens of thousands of people took to the streets to denounce Japanese textbooks that omitted any mention of Japan’s wartime atrocities in China.

China to Meet Dalai Lama Envoy China's surprise offer to meet with representatives of the Dalai Lama raises new hopes for detente between the bitter adversaries, but also poses a challenge for leaders on both sides: How to placate younger generations convinced that there's no room for compromise. There is little so far to indicate that new talks would achieve more than six previous rounds of negotiations, held between 2002 and 2007. Envoys of the Chinese government and the Dalai Lama made little progress on Tibet's links to China -- such as agreeing when it was, and wasn't, historically part of the country, for example -- or steps to broaden Tibet's autonomy under Chinese rule. The Dalai Lama has stopped short of calling for Tibet's independence. He has said Tibet could use China's help in modernizing its economy, as long as it safeguarded the culture and language. The Dalai Lama also wants China to widen the "autonomous region" of Tibet to include other Tibetans in neighboring Chinese provinces so they could share the same geographic zone. The mere prospect of new talks raises acute complications for both sides. Beijing must shield itself from criticism at home that it is ceding ground to the Dalai Lama, who -- partly because of China's own government propaganda machine -- has become the subject of intense public anger in recent weeks. For the Dalai Lama, failure could erode support for his moderate "Middle Way," which stresses greater autonomy for Tibet, as opposed to outright independence. Unsuccessful talks could also mean the 72-year-old Nobel Peace Prize laureate loses one of his last real chances to push his agenda.

Angry China CHINA is in a frightening mood. The sight of thousands of Chinese people waving xenophobic fists suggests that a country on its way to becoming a superpower may turn out to be a more dangerous force than optimists had hoped. But it isn't just foreigners who should be worried by these scenes: the Chinese government, which has encouraged this outburst of nationalism, should also be afraid. For three decades, having shed communism in all but the name of its ruling party, China's government has justified its monopolistic hold on power through economic advance. Many Chinese enjoy a prosperity undreamt of by their forefathers. For them, though, it is no longer enough to be reminded of the grim austerity of their parents' childhoods. They need new aspirations. The government's solution is to promise them that China will be restored to its rightful place at the centre of world affairs. Hence the pride at winning the Olympics, and the fury at the embarrassing protests during the torch relay. But the appeal to nationalism is a double-edged sword: while it provides a useful outlet for domestic discontents (see article), it could easily turn on the government itself. China's rage is out of all proportion to the alleged offences. It reflects a fear that a resentful, threatened West is determined to thwart China's rise. The Olympics have become a symbol of China's right to the respect it is due. Protests, criticism and boycott threats are seen as part of a broader refusal to accept and accommodate China. There is no doubt genuine fury in China at these offences; yet the impression the response gives of a people united behind the government is an illusion. China, like India, is a land of a million mutinies now. Legions of farmers are angry that their land has been swallowed up for building by greedy local officials. People everywhere are aghast at the poisoning of China's air, rivers and lakes in the race for growth. Hardworking, honest citizens chafe at corrupt officials who treat them with contempt and get rich quick. And the party still makes an ass of the law and a mockery of justice. Herein lies the danger for the government. Popular anger, once roused, can easily switch targets.

A Tea From the Jungle Enriches a Placid Village The rolling hills of China’s southern Yunnan Province are the birthplace of tea, anthropologists say, the first area where humans figured out that eating tea leaves or brewing a cup could be pleasant. Today tea farmers preside over large plantations, but they want their tea the way their forebears consumed it: brewed from wild leaves, and preferably from ancient trees in the jungle. “It has a fragrant smell,” Mr. Yao said of his favorite, harvested from trees at least a century old. “And when you swallow there’s a sweet aftertaste.” From relative obscurity a few decades ago, tea from Yunnan, especially Pu’er, has become a fashionable, must-have variety in the tea shops of Hong Kong, Shanghai and Beijing. Surging demand for Pu’er — often advertised as wild tea even if it is from the plantations — has made farmers here rich and encouraged entrepreneurs to carve out more plantations from jungle-covered hillsides. Ninety percent of the 23,000 tons of Pu’er tea produced last year was grown on plantations, officials say. Local residents seem more than happy to send it to distant locales. They complain about its hard edges — too bitter — and the chemicals that are regularly sprayed on the plants to repel bugs, viruses and fungus.

China and the World 

You have 7 years to learn Mandarin But a recent study by the economist Angus Maddison projects that China will become the world's dominant economic superpower much sooner than expected - not in 2050, but in 2015. While short-term investors are already cashing in on China's growth by playing the global commodities boom, smart long-term thinkers are contemplating what happens when China matures from an exporter of cheap goods to a competitor in sectors where the U.S. is dominant - technology, brand building, finance. China has almost wiped U.S. makers of low-value items like toys and socks, but by 2015 it may threaten Apple J.P. Morgan Chase and Procter & Gamble. It will increasingly influence the S&P 500 and the mutual funds in our 401(k)s. So it's worth looking at how that will happen, what it means, and what anyone can do in the seven years before the baton is passed. If that happens, America will close out a 125-year run as the No. 1 economy. We assumed the title in 1890 from - guess who. Britain? France? No. The world's largest economy until 1890 was China's. That's why Maddison says he expects China to "resume its natural role as the world's largest economy by 2015." That scenario makes sense. China was the largest economy for centuries because everyone had the same type of economy - subsistence - and so the country with the most people would be economically biggest. Then the Industrial Revolution sent the West on a more prosperous path. Now the world is returning to a common economy, this time technology- and information-based, so once again population triumphs. So how should we make the most of our seven-year grace period? For companies: Focus on getting better at your highest-value activities. Just because the Chinese will be fighting you in the same industries doesn't mean you'll lose. (Investors, remember that China bought $3 billion of Blackstone (BX) at the IPO price of $31 last summer, and the firm is now trading at $19.) It only means you'll have to work harder to win. For individuals: You can avoid competition with Chinese workers by doing place-based work, which ranges in value from highly skilled (emergency-room surgery) to menial (pouring concrete). But the many people who do information-based work, which is most subject to competition, will have to get dramatically better to be worth what they cost. For government leaders: Improve U.S. education above all.

 

Claims About China’s Prominence Are Overblown Unlike many observers who believe China is on its way to becoming the next world hegemon, George F Colony, CEO of Forrester Research Inc, the premier research company, says many claims about the emergence of this country are wildly off.  For him, all the news reports of purported economic threat to US or the west from the east are nothing but half-baked gibberish parleys. According to a Forrester 2006 survey, Chinese consumers have drastically lower trust in TV, newspapers, and the Web - considered essential parameters of a free economy - than consumers in the U.S., Japan, South Korea, Australia, and India. “Though China boasts of its huge human resource (about 1.2 billion), it’s only 300 million people in the eastern coastal metropolis’ that are driving the phenomenal growth in the country, while about 500 million peasants in the west are untouched by the newfound prosperity,” Colony reiterates. Besides, what the figures have to say, Colony also believes that China is emerging as a world power. However, he is doubtful if the communist nation can sustain the growth for a longer time, which he feels is highly uncertain. “I am skeptical that the country can sustain its present trajectory without near term trips and falls, and that it’ll grow to play at the same level as the U.S. and the EU unless it embraces major structural changes – primarily political,” he says.

Economy and Business 

Talking Business: Horatio Alger Multiplied by 1.3 Billion You hear constantly that China is a country of young people — the average age is 33 — but you really see it in business, where just about everybody seems to be under the age of 40. For people over the age of 50, sadly, as Mr. Feng said, they had no chance. The risk-taking impulse, and so much else, was crushed by the Cultural Revolution. Secondly, it’s a reminder just how quickly China’s economic rebirth has taken place. Mao Zedong died in 1976. Four years later, the country’s first special economic zone, explicitly created to encourage entrepreneurial capitalism, was established in the southern city of Shenzhen. What China has done in less than three decades is nothing short of astonishing. As Byron Wien, the chief investment strategist for Pequot Capital Management, wrote last summer, “Nothing I have read, heard or seen will dissuade me from my view that China has made more economic progress in the last 30 years than any country in history.” It is impossible to visit today’s China and disagree. Third, modern China surely shows that trickle-down economics is not just supply-side propaganda. Deng Xiaoping, the driving force behind the move to capitalism after Mao’s death, famously said, “To get rich is glorious.” And goodness knows, lots of people have gotten rich. But look at what else happened: motivated by the prospect of wealth, people started companies. And as those companies succeeded, millions of new jobs were created. In Shanghai — a place with more entrepreneurial energy than any place I’ve ever visited, including Silicon Valley in the 1990s and Houston during the 1980s oil boom — you can practically see wealth being created before your very eyes. If Shanghai doesn’t make you a believer in the power of capitalism to improve lives, nothing will.

MIT Economist Cracks Big Puzzle of China's Rise: Andy Mukherjee One of the enduring mysteries of our times is how China has created capitalism out of thin air. Throughout history, countries have needed to secure private- property rights and impose limits on state power in order for entrepreneurs to take risks, for bankers to lend money to people other than the king's cousin and for economies to grow. Not communist China. The spectacular success of the Chinese economy in the past two decades seems to suggest to many analysts that good institutions may not really be as fundamentally important to a country as they are cracked up to be. This isn't an idle, academic debate. Our perception of what makes China successful has serious implications for how we analyze the prospects for the rest of the developing world. If the most fascinating economic miracle of our times can soar in an institutional vacuum, then surely others can, too. Now, that may only sound right to Mugabe and his cronies. So what's missing here? The answer, according to Massachusetts Institute of Technology economist Yasheng Huang, is simple: The conventional view of China is deeply flawed. Institutions, as Huang argues in his forthcoming book, titled ``Capitalism With Chinese Characteristics,'' have mattered as much in China as elsewhere, only their effect doesn't show up as neatly. So what happened to Deng's legacy? Following the 1989 Tiananmen protests, political support for genuine entrepreneurship disappeared in the China of the 1990s. Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji preferred growth that was led by foreign capital and occurred in urban centers. For businessmen away from large cities, access to finance dried up just as it was promising to become more liberal. The current leadership of President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao is aware of the challenge that faces them: The gap between rural and urban wages has widened alarmingly; the share of labor in national income has fallen; inequalities between rich coastal provinces and poor landlocked regions have risen. In the early 1980s, freedom from the fear of incarceration was enough to prompt millions of people to start their own businesses. The institutional changes that are needed now will have to be much more substantive.

Chinese stocks still aren't attractive Does Dessauer consider Chinese stocks to represent a good value today, with the Shanghai Composite index trading at barely more than half its high set last fall? In a word, no. For starters, Dessauer is concerned about the speculative motivation of most individual Chinese investors in Chinese stocks, and what it would do to the prices of those stocks if and when they decide to pull out en masse. In addition to being concerned about the speculative nature of the Chinese stock market, Dessauer also worries about the "lack of managerial talent in China. Mao killed or severely punished most intellectuals, or any talented people. An entire generation of managerial talent is missing in China. It takes a long time to create managerial talent. China has been making progress with education and training but the problem is still far from solved." A third source of concern for Dessauer is "the difficult issue of guanxi, the intertwining of personal and business relationships, which leads to what we would call corruption or nepotism. In China, it has become ingrained that you combine personal and business relationships... I have visited many companies in China -- public, private and state-owned. The business culture is slowly changing, but it is still common to find high-level managers who do not know what 'profit' means, never mind shareholders. There is still a question about who owns what ...

Culture and Values

Of Musical Import Tan Dun has made a career of infusing Western music with Chinese traditions and myths. But on what vision of China does his success in the West depend? A trim, close-cropped man who likes to dress fashionably in dark colors and black leather pants, Tan Dun is a kind of rock star of the modern music scene. He won an Oscar for the score of Ang Lee’s film “Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon.” His latest opera, “The First Emperor,” starring Plácido Domingo, had its premiere at New York’s Metropolitan Opera in 2006 and will be revived there this week, with a few changes, mostly to the libretto. Hopping around the world, from Shanghai to Stockholm, from Tokyo to New York, he conducts and introduces his own music to a global audience of rapturous fans. It has indeed been a remarkable journey from rural Hunan to the audience of billions. Tan was born in 1957. Although his earliest memories, as he relates them in public, are full of Taoists, shamans and village sorcerers, his parents were professionals in Changsha, the provincial capital. His mother was a medical doctor, and his father worked at a food research institute. But he was partly raised by his grandmother, a vegetable farmer, who told him ghost stories, which he adored. Since traditional music of any kind, folk or opera, was banned during the Cultural Revolution, which began in 1966 and lasted more or less until 1976, Tan’s main introduction to music consisted of a few permitted revolutionary works. I repeated something Tan said about the need for modern Chinese artists to retain a certain innocence. Tan told me how he had tried to avoid being too sophisticated. “If you are too sophisticated,” he said, “you lose courage.” Theory, he maintained, “makes for more boundaries. Competing with the Europeans, by being more sophisticated, is to resist yourself. One plus one makes one. Yin and yang, inside and outside, honesty and pretension. I have practiced this philosophy for the last 20 years.” Tan’s claim, of course, is that his music does emerge from his experience, from the ghost stories, Buddhist prayers and village shamans of his youth. One of his most striking pieces, a multimedia event for cello, video and orchestra, called “The Map,” was actually performed in Xiangxi, a village in rural western Hunan, where Tan once met a shaman, known as “the stone man,” who could talk to the winds and the clouds. Out of this encounter, he says, came the music, written for Yo-Yo Ma in 1999. The more-or-less Western sound of the cello is mixed with Chinese folk singing and the sounds of rushing water and clashing stones.

Serve the People!' By YAN LIANKEIn Yan Lianke’s satirical novel, a fervent Maoist is seduced by the wife of his commanding officer. You can’t get better publicity for a book than “Banned in Boston.” But as product endorsements go, “Banned in China” sends a more mixed message, even if it still wins points for piquancy. “Serve the People!,” smoothly translated by Julia Lovell, offers an initial sample of Yan Lianke’s writing to an English-speaking audience. A bluntly drawn, mildly erotic fable, it teases Mao Zedong by poking fun at a true believer who obeys the Chairman’s precepts too literally. To a Western sensibility, the broad strokes of Yan Lianke’s humor would seem to pose little risk of inciting rebellion, whether of the flesh or of the body politic. But then, part of the book’s attraction is that it doesn’t have a Western sensibility. It lets the reader see — or rather, intuit — what jokes Chinese officials don’t consider funny, and how very little it takes for a writer to be branded an incendiary in 21st-century China..

'The Song of Everlasting Sorrow' By WANG ANYI Wang Anyi’s novel spans four decades in the life of a woman making her way in a rapidly changing China. its heroine, Wang Qiyao, is on her way to a pawn shop when she runs into Mr. Cheng, a friend she hasn’t seen in 12 years. A portrait photographer, Mr. Cheng had taken Wang Qiyao’s photo in the late 1940s; the picture appeared in a magazine, and she went on to win third place in the Miss Shanghai beauty contest, the pinnacle of her career. By the time they meet again, it is 1960. Tragedy and ill-starred romance have ruined Wang Qiyao’s reputation; she is pregnant with the child of a lover whose identity she refuses to reveal. Food shortages have pushed China to the brink of famine, so Mr. Cheng, taking pity on her, invites Wang Qiyao to share his modest lunch of rice and salt pork. At his apartment, “after her eyes had adjusted to the darkness, she saw that the little world inside had barely changed; it was as if the little room had been encased in a time capsule. ... Wang Qiyao failed to understand that it is precisely this myriad of unchanging little worlds that serves as a counterfoil to the tumultuous changes taking place in the outside world.” These observations could stand as an epigraph for this beautiful novel, which considers, among its many themes, the question of what endures and what remains the same — what resists the passage of time and what succumbs to the forces of cataclysmic social change.

 

'Wolf Totem' By JIANG RONG Jiang Rong’s novel is set in the pristine grasslands of Inner Mongolia in the 1960s. Lu Xun, China’s most revered modern writer, was a student of medicine in 1906 when he saw a lantern slide of Japanese soldiers decapitating a Chinese prisoner. It was a particularly low moment in China’s national self-esteem, and what appalled Lu Xun most was the passivity of the Chinese spectators. “The people,” he later wrote, “of a weak, backward country, even though they may enjoy sturdy health, can only serve as the senseless material of and audience for public executions.” Convinced that art could goad his compatriots toward “spiritual transformation,” he presented them in his first story, “The Diary of a Madman,” as hypocritical cannibals. His later work abounded in such pitiless depictions, inaugurating a modern Chinese literature marked by what the critic C. T. Hsia called “an obsessive concern with China as a nation afflicted with a spiritual disease and therefore unable to strengthen itself or change its set ways of inhumanity.”

Certainly history imposed this tormented self-reckoning on Chinese writers. For much of the 20th century, their country suffered prodigious violence and social trauma: millions were consumed by the civil war, the Japanese invasion and Maoist disasters like the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. In comparison, China in the last decade has known extraordinary stability. The middle class in particular has enjoyed undreamed of affluence — so much so that the great popularity of Jiang Rong’s long, bleak novel about an obscure province inhabited by an ethnic minority is deeply intriguing. Set during the Cultural Revolution, “Wolf Totem” describes the education of an intellectual from China’s majority Han community living with nomadic herders in the grasslands of Inner Mongolia.

'Life and Death Are Wearing Me Out' By MO YAN The Chinese writer Mo Yan’s wildly visionary and creative new novel covers almost the entire span of his country’s revolutionary experience, from 1950 until 2000, while constantly mocking and rearranging itself and jolting the reader with its own internal commentary. Mo Yan’s powerful new novel, “Life and Death Are Wearing Me Out,” contains many such vivid set pieces. His canvas covers almost the entire span of his country’s revolutionary experience — from 1950 until 2000, in the so-called “reform era” of post-Deng Xiaoping China. At one level, therefore, “Life and Death” is a kind of documentary, carrying the reader across time from the land reform at the end of the Chinese Civil War, through the establishment of mutual-aid teams and lower-level cooperatives in the early and mid-1950s, into the extreme years of the Great Leap Forward and the famine of the late ’50s and early ’60s, and on to the steady erosion of the collective economy in the new era of largely unregulated “capitalism with socialist characteristics.” At the novel’s close, some of the characters are driving BMWs, while others are dyeing their hair blond and wearing gold rings in their noses. Yet although one can say that the political dramas narrated by Mo Yan are historically faithful to the currently known record, “Life and Death” remains a wildly visionary and creative novel, constantly mocking and rearranging itself and jolting the reader with its own internal commentary. This is politics as pathology.

China’s Pop Fiction The most successful writer in China is Guo Jingming, a cross-dressing, image-obsessed pop idol whose tales of alienated urban adolescence appeal to the lonely children of China’s one-child generation. The most critically acclaimed Chinese novels of recent years — “Wolf Totem” (a parable about the death of Mongolian culture and a veiled critique of the Cultural Revolution), Yu Hua’s “To Live,” Mo Yan’s “Republic of Wine” — generally use their characters as vessels for broad social and political commentary. But Guo’s novels focus on the tortured psyches of his adolescent characters, who either nurse their melancholy by sitting alone for long hours under trees and on rooftops, or try to blunt it with drinking, fighting and karaoke. “My main goal is to tell the story well and have everyone like it,” Guo said recently in a telephone interview. Which isn’t to say he traffics entirely in escapism. For all the over-the-top melodrama and brand-name dropping, his novels’ contemporary urban settings, Guo said, are far closer to the reality of his readers’ lives than the harsh countryside of China’s modern classics. And his frothy novels, though often denounced as “chain-manufactured writing,” do reflect social issues in their own way.

Readings

Knowing China by Gregory C. Chow. This invaluable book offers an insight into China through its history, culture, people, economy, education, science and technology, as well as government and political system. The author also compares the "twin" cities of Hong Kong and Shanghai, and describes places of interest in the world’s most populous country. In addition, he offers a glimpse into the delicate China–US relations, highlighting partnership opportunities between the two giant economies. The book is based on the author’s knowledge accumulated over five decades of research, teaching, traveling, directing projects on China, and working with Chinese government officials, educators, academics and entrepreneurs.

 

China Transformed: Historical Change and the Limits of European Experience by R. Bin Wong. This interesting book is an attempt to look at Chinese history in an unbiased manner. Professor Wong notes correctly that interpretations of many scholars are distorted by judging Chinese history by its deviations from what is presumed to be the normative, or desired, course of development. The normative standards, of course, are derived from European history. Wong makes the very good point that using European history in this way is damaging not only to the study of Chinese history but also imposes distortions on the study of European history. Wong is concerned particularly with examining Chinese economic development and state formation. This book covers a very wide sweep of Chinese history, roughly from the Ming to contemporary China. The book is divided into 3 components; one comparing China and Europe in the pre-industrial period of the 17th and 18th centuries, one looking at the response of the Chinese state and society to the great challenges of the 19th century.

 

Wealth of Man by Peter Jay. Quixotic it may appear to proffer a one-volume history of the world economy that holds interest, but Jay succeeds. Exhibiting the flair of a journalist and the worldly wisdom of a finance official, both of which professions occupied him in Britain, Jay jaunts from the dawn of agriculture to the globalized present. His story adheres to a highly serviceable metaphor for humanity's work for wealth: the waltz. First, an advance increases wealth; the increase attracts political attention; and the threat to wealth from politics eventuates in rules to regulate or protect wealth from capricious avarice. Commanding a capacious fund of information, Jay advances illustrations of his waltz motif from the first recorded wars in the Fertile Crescent to wealth's modern three-step in China. Yet Jay's erudition is not designed for impressing readers, but for informing them about the buildup of the material platform of contemporary civilization--about which most are unreflecting. Far from an apology for laissez-faire, Jay's accessible, nontechnical history outlines wealth's accumulations and dissipations as a way of cautioning against sanguine expectations of unending prosperity.

 

The Birth of Plenty : How the Prosperity of the Modern World was Created by William Bernstein Rather than dry academic analysis, Bernstein, in his second book (after Four Pillars of Investing), has created a vital, living text-a cogent, timely journey through the economic history of the modern world. He identifies institutions ("the framework within which human beings think, interact and carry on business") as the engines of prosperity. Boiled down to four (property rights, the scientific method, capital markets and communications), these institutions come from ideas and practices that bubbled forth over the course of hundreds of years. Bernstein is clear in explaining that the civilizations that develop and implement these systems thrive, and that those that do not, perish. The Spanish empire, for example, had most of these but lacked effective capital markets. When the gold from the New World dried up, the empire essentially went broke. By 1840 the British had all of these institutions in place, economic growth exploded and the lot of the common man was immensely improved. Today, the U.S. faces the challenge of sustaining prosperity in the face of rapid technological change. Though fairly Eurocentric in focus, Bernstein's narrative tracks the development of these essential ingredients to prosperity over a global landscape-the great dynasties of China get plenty of attention here, as do the Japanese. Solid writing and poignant assessments of the economic players throughout time give texture and flavor to Bernstein's argument: he describes the medieval relationship between the various European kingdoms and the Vatican as "a holy shakedown racket." Packed with information and ideas, Bernstein's book is an authoritative economic history, accessible and thoroughly entertaining.

 

'A Splendid Exchange' The world is knit together as never before with a cat’s cradle of trade, which has already had immense consequences and will have many more. But while global trade has been much in the news lately, especially during this election year, it has an extremely long history. As William J. Bernstein makes clear in his entertaining and greatly enlightening book “A Splendid Exchange,” it has been a major force in driving the whole history of humankind. Equally important, skills and talents are not evenly distributed across the human landscape, nor are the world’s resources equally distributed across the natural one. Since humans also have a propensity to bash in one another’s skulls, we have always traded for what we wanted or raided for it. Ancient Mesopotamia was richly endowed with fertile soils and water from the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, but it lacked stone and wood for building, and metals like copper for tools and weapons. The Sumerians, however, had surplus food to trade, so they could bargain for stone from near the headwaters of the rivers, wood from what is now Lebanon and metal from Sinai, Cyprus and elsewhere. The scope of ancient trade was immense. A single Bronze Age shipwreck around 1350 B.C. near Bodrum, a Turkish coastal town, yielded no less than 10 tons of copper and a ton of tin ingots along with other merchandise like ivory. (The ideal ratio of copper to tin for making bronze is 10 to 1.) By Roman times vast armadas ferried Egyptian grain, Greek wine, Spanish copper and silver, and a hundred other commodities around the Mediterranean. India has yielded rich troves of Roman coins that reached that subcontinent to pay for spices the Romans coveted, especially pepper. Chinese silk — literally worth its weight in gold — traveled through the heart of Asia on the Silk Road to reach markets in the West.

China's Economic Transformation by Gregory C. Chow. In this second edition of the successful book, Gregory Chow uses insights gained from over twenty years of teaching and traveling, as well as his work with government officials and academics, to address the transformation, development, and functioning of China’s economy. Chow combines historical-institutional and theoretical-quantitative approaches to provide a penetrating and comprehensive analysis of the factors that have contributed to China’s economic transformation. Introducing the reader to the inner workings of the Chinese economy and details the process of its transformation into a market economy, Chow observes the economics of institutional changes taking place, the role of China’s government, and the significance of the historic and cultural traditions of the country. Chow’s knowledge of what has happened and what is happening in China helps him identify the major causes of economic change and development. ·  Provides a penetrating and comprehensive analysis of the historical, institutional and theoretical factors that have contributed to China's economic success ·  Reveals new findings concerning the roles of market institutions, Chinese human capital, private ownership, forms of government, political conditions, and bureaucratic economic institutions ·  The new edition covers a diverse set of important issues: environmental restraints; income distribution; rural poverty; the education system; healthcare; exchange rate policies; monetary policies; and financial regulation.

May 04, 2008

Science vs or plus Religion: From Disingenuous to New Frontiers

One of my favorite TV shows is NUMB3RS which combines crime, science and geekiness to arrive at a rather unique and intriguing, as well as entertaining, mix. And somehow they manage to tackle real issues is a real way - some of their episodes on LA gang warfare are deeply & scarily informative. They also from time-to-time really catch something on a wave. Last year they had a show on religious cults and teenage brides for polygamists which turned out to be very timely. Last night's was on a religious cult poisoned by a con man who didn't believe in medical treatment, at least on the surface. But in reality is was really and exploration of Science Vs Religion....dogma vs dogma. Yet at the end of the day it dove deeper yet and became about Science & Religion....faith working with faith.

Would that it might be. Clicking on the link won't just enlarge but will take you to the on-line show. Just think about all the technology, entertainment, business, skills and resources that have to converge to create that not-so-little miracle. That we take for granted, having lost surprise and thereby our sense of wonder. Speaking of "miracles" and pictures last Su's post had a graphic on the evolution of religion which I forgot to link to an expansion. Sorry as it was a key part of the argument. We've since corrected that and can go back but if you click on it here it takes you to a complete on-line slideshow which is also downloadable if you'd care to have your own copy. The dynamic slide on the historical evolution of religion over 20 millenia bears pretty directly on the issues and provides some perspectives.

What makes the NUMB3RS show so incredibly timely, not just for us, is that Ben Stein has just come out with a new movie attacking Darwin, evolutionary theory, defending Intelligent Design & Creationism and linking Darwinism to the Holocaust. And he had the chutzpah to ask the editors of Scientific American to review it ! Sadly this goes beyond disingenuous to dangerous and deceptive. Worse it's counter-productive, fuels the disagreements into fires and is in fact grossly incorrect on several fronts. Not least of which is the wrong-headed view that theology doesn't accept evolution.

A view I originally got from a friend who's also a world famous biblical scholar and head of a major divinity school but one which you'll find supported in the readings by a former Dominican priest who's also one of the most distinguished and influential evolutionary biologists in the world. An unnecessary conflict that's done untold damage over centuries but particularly in the last which seems to be based on the view that there's only one single domain of knowledge and either Science or Religion will win in a zero-sum game of dominance. Or arrange a treaty to split things out.

 Toward the end of the 19thC that seems to be what was being worked out in general. The armed truce would be that each would take sovereignty in its' own domain and leave the other's alone. With the question open as to whether the two domains were entirely separate or over-lapping though "clearly" disparate. Which unfortunately left the rest of us wondering in the darkness as to which to choose. Worse yet by conceeding the ground religion ended up retreating out of the world and into its' own little nook and cranny while Scientism (NOTE - not Science) pushed an exclusionary agenda of materialism and rationalism. As late as the 1960s Time could run a cover on "God is Dead" and mean it. Yet for all the criticisms of religious intolerance and violence we'd ask you to recall that it was materialist ideologies that brought us the worst wars and organized inhumanity in history. Look up the casualties for WW1 or WW2 sometime, notice how many of them were civilians. Or check out the hundreds of millions killed under Communist regimes. Need we mention the Holocaust ?

There seem to be several parts to the problem. One is the implicit argument on the part of "Science" that everything is knowable and bounded and we'll eventually get to the point where we can resolve our issues and questions. "Unfortunately" Science has been conceding that dogmatic absolutism because it had to. While it works very well i areas where it applies it doesn't in fact address the big questions. Steven Weinberg's famous "we've found no meaning in the Universe" observation leads to the counter-question of so, why do you keep working ? The obvious answer is that he likes his work, thinks he's making a contribution and....wait for it....creating meaning thru his efforts. And we ask you how wonderful and mysterious a world is it where someone can create a great new physics theory ? Or a poem or a symphony or a TV Show ? Or the miracle of miracles a baby. Who will grow up to become a conscious, self-aware person capable of appreciating all these other miracles. Or creating them themselves !

It would appear that what we really have is a world, or Universe if you prefer, where there are many things we cannot in fact resolve but are too important to be left undecided. Ones which we must by both necessity and our natures investigate and act on. As several of the last posts argued values and beliefs are central to both personal happiness and the cohesion and stability of our societies. When we let them go or adopt the wrong ones we end up with Holocausts...or the Khmer Rouge slaughtering their own populations in the name of the People.

There will probably always be a great set of Mysteries which we cannot ignore. There's also a great set of unknowns who's boundaries and frontiers we need to explore and push back. The question is how and with what tools. In the process of turning the Unknown into the Known while also recognizing and accepting the Mysterious Science, Religion and Culture all have major roles to play. And better that they should not just accept each other's existence but move beyond that to active, productive collaboration. Who knows what magic might result from such synergies ? What we do know is that, literally, the fate of Civilization depends on it.

Civilization and civil societies are NOT accidents but the result of serious, disciplined and idealistic effort. Which require all three knowledge areas to make proactive and productive contributions. Sadly this is not a new discovery. One of the excerpts below takes you to Theodore Roosevelt's great speech on Science and Religion in which he, among other things, castigates each for it's narrow-mindedness, dogmatism and parochialism. A great speech by a politician (!) on the most difficult and subtle philosophical problem of the age. Worse and sadder it was made before ideological dogmatism proceeded to bring us a century of war and destruction and inhumanity.

Now, having run history's largest and most expensive field experiments in political economy, we can re-discover and apply things it turns out that we've already known. The other essay we'll particularly point to is "Breaking the Galilean Spell" by one of the most distinguished evolutionary theorists in the world who's goal is to return to a sense of the Sacred from within Science. The first of what we hope are many major signs of the beginnings of the new frontiers.

Decivers to Debunkers to Developers

Ben Stein's Expelled: No Integrity Displayed In the new science-bashing movie Expelled: No Intelligence Allowed, Ben Stein and the rest of the filmmakers sincerely and seriously argue that Charles Darwin's theory of evolution paved the way for the Holocaust. By "seriously," I mean that Ben Stein acts grief-stricken and the director juxtaposes quotes from evolutionary biologists with archival newsreel clips from Hitler's Reich. Prepare for an intellectual night at the cinema. No one could have been more surprised than I when the producers called, unbidden, offering Scientific American's editors a private screening. Rather, it seems a safe bet that the producers hope a whipping from us would be useful for publicity: further proof that any mention of ID outrages the close-minded establishment. (Picture Ben Stein as Jack Nicholson, shouting, "You can't handle the truth!") Knowing this, we could simply ignore the movie—which might also suit their purposes, come to think of it. Unfortunately, Expelled is a movie not quite harmless enough to be ignored. Shrugging off most of the film's attacks—all recycled from previous pro-ID works—would be easy, but its heavy-handed linkage of modern biology to the Holocaust demands a response for the sake of simple human decency. Expelled wears its ambitions to be a creationist Fahrenheit 911 openly, in that it apes many of Michael Moore's comic tricks:

Expelled: No Intelligence Allowed--Ben Stein Launches a Science-free Attack on Darwin

 

Roving Defender of Evolution, and of Room for God Dr. Ayala, a former Dominican priest, said he told his audiences not just that evolution is a well-corroborated scientific theory, but also that belief in evolution does not rule out belief in God. In fact, he said, evolution “is more consistent with belief in a personal god than intelligent design. If God has designed organisms, he has a lot to account for.” Consider, he said, that at least 20 percent of pregnancies are known to end in spontaneous abortion. If that results from divinely inspired anatomy, Dr. Ayala said, “God is the greatest abortionist of them all.” Or consider, he said, the “sadism” in parasites that live by devouring their hosts, or the mating habits of insects like female midges, tiny flies that fertilize their eggs by consuming their mates’ genitals, along with all their other parts. For the midges, Dr. Ayala said, “it makes evolutionary sense. If you are a male and you have mated, the best thing you can do for your genes is to be eaten.” But if God or some other intelligent agent made things this way on purpose, he said, “then he is a sadist, he certainly does odd things and he is a lousy engineer.” That is also the message of his latest book, “Darwin’s Gift to Science and Religion” (Joseph Henry Press, 2007). In it, he writes that as a theology student in Spain he had been taught that evolution “provided the ‘missing link’ in the explanation of evil in the world” — a defense of God’s goodness and omnipotence, despite the existence of evil. “As floods and drought were a necessary consequence of the fabric of the physical world, predators and parasites, dysfunctions and diseases were a consequence of the evolution of life,” he writes. “They were not a result of a deficient or malevolent design.”

BREAKING THE GALILEAN SPELL My aim is to reinvent the sacred. I present a new view of a fully natural God and of the sacred, based on a new, emerging scientific worldview. This new worldview reaches further than science itself and invites a new view of God, the sacred, and ourselves—ultimately including our science, art, ethics, politics, and spirituality. My field of research, complexity theory, is leading toward the reintegration of science with the ancient Greek ideal of the good life, well lived. It is not some tortured interpretation of fundamentally lifeless facts that prompts me to say this; the science itself compels it. This is not the outlook science has presented up to now. Our current scientific worldview, derived from Galileo, Newton, and their followers, is the foundation of modern secular society, itself the child of the Enlightenment. At base, our contemporary perspective is reductionist: all phenomena are ultimately to be explained in terms of the interactions of fundamental particles. But Laplace’s particles in motion allow only happenings. There are no meanings, no values, no doings. The reductionist worldview led the existentialists in the mid-twentieth century to try to find value in an absurd, meaningless universe, in our human choices. But to the reductionist, the existentialists’ arguments are as void as the spacetime in which their particles move. Our human choices, made by ourselves as human agents, are still, when the full science shall have been done, mere happenings, ultimately to be explained by physics. Reductionism is inadequate reductionism. Even major physicists now doubt its full legitimacy. Biology and its evolution cannot be reduced to physics alone but stand in their own right. Life, and with it agency, came naturally to exist in the universe. With agency came values, meaning, and doing, all of which are as real in the universe as particles in motion. “Real” here has a particular meaning: while life, agency, value, and doing presumably have physical explanations in any specific organism, the evolutionary emergence of these cannot be derived from or reduced to physics alone. Thus, life, agency, value, and doing are real in the universe. This stance is called emergence. Emergence is therefore a major part of the new scientific worldview. Emergence says that, while no laws of physics are violated, life in the biosphere, the evolution of the biosphere, the fullness of our human historicity, and our practical everyday worlds are also real, are not reducible to physics nor explicable from it, and are central to our lives. Emergence, already both contentious and transformative, is but one part of the new scientific worldview I embrace.

The Search for Truth in a Reverent Spirit (Theodore Roosevelt) THERE is superstition in science quite as much as there is superstition in theology, and it is all the more dangerous because those suffering from it are profoundly convinced that they are freeing themselves from all superstition. No grotesque repulsiveness of mediæval superstition, even as it survived into nineteenth-century Spain and Naples, could be much more intolerant, much more destructive of all that is fine in morality, in the spiritual sense, and indeed in civilization itself, than that hard dogmatic materialism of to-day which often not merely calls itself scientific but arrogates to itself the sole right to use the term. If these pretensions affected only scientific men themselves, it would be a matter of small moment, but unfortunately they tend gradually to affect the whole people, and to establish a very dangerous standard of private and public conduct in the public mind. This tendency is dangerous everywhere, but nowhere more dangerous than among the nations in which the movement toward an unshackled materialism is helped by the reaction against the deadly thraldom of political and clerical absolutism. At present we are in greater danger of suffering in things spiritual from a wrong-headed scientific materialism than from religious bigotry and intolerance; just as at present we are threatened rather by what is vicious among the ideas that triumphed in the Revolution than we are from what is vicious in the ideas that it overthrew. But this is merely because victorious evil necessarily contains more menace than defeated evil; and it will not do to forget the other side, nor to let our protest against the evil of the present drive us into championship of the evil of the past. The excesses of the French Revolution were not only hideous in themselves, but were fraught with a menace to civilization which has lasted until our …. Nevertheless, there was hope for mankind in the French Revolution, and there was none in the system against which it was a protest… Better the terrible flame of the French Revolution than the worse than Stygian hopelessness of the tyranny—physical, intellectual, spiritual—which brooded over the Spain of that day. So it is with the modern scientific movement. There is very much in it to regret; there is much that is misdirected and wrong; and Dr. Dwight is quite right in the protest he makes against … the intolerant arrogance and fanatical dogmatism which the scientists of their school display to as great an extent as ever did any of the ecclesiastics against whom they profess to be in revolt. The experience of our sister republic of France has shown us that not only scientists but politicians, professing to be radical in their liberalism, may in actual fact show a bigoted intolerance of the most extreme kind in their attacks on religion; and bigotry and intolerance are at least as objectionable when anti-religious as when nominally religious.

Accidental Civilization

At the forest’s edge Not very long before that incident, I had visited Liberia in the course of its prolonged and brutal civil war. I found that the rebels had not merely destroyed the authority of an admittedly highly imperfect, corrupt, and unscrupulous government; they had gone on to dismantle every vestige of higher civilization they could find, as if refinement itself were nothing but a mask for injustice and oppression. Thus the hospitals, in which no medical activity whatsoever now took place, had not merely been damaged in fire-fights between opposing forces, government and rebel, but every piece of equipment, down to the last little trolley, had been systematically dismantled, so that, at considerable effort, the wheels had been sawn from them to ensure that they could never again be used in any capacity. This was done with astonishing thoroughness even in a ghost hospital where, previously, open-heart surgery had been carried out. The university was likewise destroyed, and the library sacked by people who obviously had not just an indifference to books, but an active hatred of them, a desire for revenge upon them and all that they represented. None of the above would, I think, have surprised either Sigmund Freud or José Ortega y Gasset, whose most famous works on the state of the world, Civilization and Its Discontents and The Revolt of the Masses, were published in the same inauspicious year, 1930. Their view that mankind was not moving inexorably towards a condition of complete contentment and satisfaction thanks to technical advance was triumphantly vindicated, if triumph it can be called, in the years following. Both authors were to suffer exile, but this was an infinitesimal part of the suffering which was soon to come. The two analyses of the existential condition of mankind are different in emphasis. Although Ortega says penetrating things about the psychology of modern man, he regards that psychology as secondary to sociological change. Freud emphasizes the psychological as primary. In other words, man is endowed by nature with instinctual desires that have to be controlled in civilized conditions, if those conditions are to continue to obtain, but the control gives rise to frustration, guilt, and anxiety, that is to say to discontent. The picture Ortega draws of the mass man is not an attractive or flattering one, but Ortega is not a snob who simply excoriates the appalling habits and tastes of those below him in the social scale. For him, mass man is the man who has no transcendent purpose in life, who lives in an eternal present moment which he wants to make pleasurable in a gross and sensual way, who thinks that ever-increasing consumption is the end of life, who goes from distraction to distraction, who is prey to absurd fashions, who never thinks deeply and who, above all, has a venomous dislike of any other way of living but his own, which he instinctively feels as a reproach. He will not recognize his betters; he is perfectly satisfied to be as he is.

‘Mill is a dead white male with something to say’ In his excellent, well-timed biography of Mill, British author and commentator Richard Reeves argues that being quoted by both sides in something like the smoking debate ‘would have pleased’ Mill (2). Mill was the public intellectual who believed that truth is discovered through argument rather than being established from on high, so that ideas become a ‘living truth’ through debate rather than a ‘dead dogma’ handed down by our superiors. And as Reeves draws out in his biography, Mill also revelled in intellectual eclecticism. He thought the truth lay somewhere in opposing arguments. As he wrote in On Liberty: ‘Conflicting doctrines, instead of the one being true and the other false, share the truth between them.’ (3) Just for the record, he didn’t mean, in a pre-PC relativistic fashion, that ‘all truths are equal’, but rather that truth is arrived at through the clash of ideas, the changing and tempering of views through open debate, rather than being set in authoritarian stone. In many ways, the promiscuous use of the harm principle to justify bans and state intrusion into our lives sums up just how illiberal our era is. Mill had a view of men as capable and energetic, who, when given the chance, could progress to become serious and even ‘heroic’ individuals. Thus, he had a quite narrow view of harm: in his view, it would take quite a lot to harm individuals who were possessed of free will and very often grit, and therefore he argued that only clear cases of harm could justify restrictions. Today, by contrast, individuals are viewed as weak and vulnerable. The term ‘the vulnerable’ is used to refer to whole swathes of society.

Prior Posts

Putting the Pieces Together: Framing, Crisis & Linkages

Re-visiting Ramblin Randy: Do the Best You Can with What You've Got

Framing the Radical Center: a Policy Agenda for the 4th Republic

Faith, Hope and Enchantment: Why Religion Matters...More

ME Faultlines(Readings): Values, Culture & Conflict

May 02, 2008

ME Faultlines(Readings): Values, Culture & Conflict

Let's weave a couple or three things together. We've argued that the ME is potentially the most serious and challenging foreign policy issue that will face the next President, over and above Iraq. Largely for two fundamental reasons - one without ME oil the world economy collapses. And two without a stable set of ME regimes they're likely to collapse - if nothing else from internal socio-economic and demographic pressures. That's one braid.

The other is values - last post we took a deep dive on values, or at least from the perspective of the evolution of religion over the last several millenia and the common challenges we've faced collectively and individually wrestling with inescapable challenges. Where those two braids come together is in culture - which too many dismiss too lightly though we've all been getting some rough lessons in the last several years. Primarily in the ME.

"Customs tell a person who they are, where they belong, what they must do. Better illogical customs than none; men cannot live together without them. From an anthropoligist's view, "justice" is a search for workable customs."

Dr. Margaret Mader, Citizen of the Galaxy

If you think that's all gobble-de-gook consider last week's news that Syria was working with North Korea to build a nuclear reactor who's only purpose was breeding materials for nuclear bombs. Which explains the mystery of the Israeli attack last Fall that everyone was puzzling over. Prior to the announcement StratFor, the private int'l intelligence provider put out a very scary little report about  growing escalating war pressures thruout the ME. Stop and think about that for minute. Who knows exactly what was going on, I'm suspect there was a lot of underwear-changing going on in certain buildings and agencies. And there should have been !

Fortunately some folks are beginning to re-discover the importance of culture. Probably one of the most critical applications is understanding tribal culture in the ME. Before we dive into that though let's refer you to some interesting work on modeling culture - which comes from the work of Prof. Richard Lewis and put a little more formally than Dr. Mader puts it:

  • Cultural behavior is the end product of collected wisdom, filtered and passed down through hundreds of generations as shared core beliefs, values, assumptions, notions, and persistent action patterns.
  • Culture is a collective programming of the mind that distinguishes the members of one human group from another

One of the best short on-line explanations of culture is on the site of the firm he started to work with businesses for understanding culture and you'll find some more links below. But before going on we strongly urge you to spend a very few minutes looking at this short demo. We found it eye-opening - not just for pointing out that most of people's reactions are based on subconscious responses programmed into them and representing inheritances from thousands of years. But also for making very clear the vast differences in the deepest attitudes between the major politco-economic cultures, e.g. the US, Europe, China, et.al. NOW....how much different are those attitudes than those of tribal societies where the old biblical, "eye for an eye and tooth for a tooth" are not only business as usual but make sense in context.

Below you'll find readings and excerpts, in addition to the introduction to WWIV in the ME, on specific countries including Afghanistan, Iran, Turkey and Israel. All of whom are serious candidates for cultural analysis and many of whom need to be understood with an awareness of tribal culture, its' violence and conflict and the role it plays in these societies. But the real recommendation is to the several readings on tribalism, culture, values and conflict, particularly Jared Diamond's long Edge essay on tribal vengeance in New Guinea. Even more important is the long review of Salzman's new book on Culture and Conflict in the ME which points out we've been thinking that much of the violence is religious when in fact it is tribal and an artifact of thousands of years of behavioral patterns that we've been completely ignoring up until now. If you'd like to understand one of the major drivers in the ME these two are particularly worth reading.

But we'll give Dr. Mader the last word here:

"Human customs that help people live together are almost never planned. But they are useful or they don't survive".

 In other words cultural values make sense in their context because they help a society survive and prosper; they are fundamentally essential to social cohesion. Without them society devolves and dissolves. IF you want to work with a particular society you have to understand their value systems, the forces that brought them into existence and how they make their decisions. You may not agree but you MUST work with them, or not deal with them at all. As we're learning around the world, every day, in every way.

Middle East Quandaries

A Mystery in the Middle East The Arab-Israeli region of the Middle East is filled with rumors of war. That is about as unusual as the rising of the sun, so normally it would not be worth mentioning. But like the proverbial broken clock that is right twice a day, such rumors occasionally will be true. In this case, we don't know that they are true, and certainly it's not the rumors that are driving us. But other things — minor and readily explicable individually — have drawn our attention to the possibility that something is happening. When the Israelis kicked off Turning Point 2, which we regard as a pretty interesting name, it turned out to be the largest exercise in Israeli history. It involved the entire country, and was designed to test civil defenses and the ability of the national command authority to continue to function in the event of an attack with unconventional weapons — chemical and nuclear, we would assume. This was a costly exercise. It also involved calling up reserves, some of them for the exercise, and, by some reports, others for deployment to the north against Syria. Israel does not call up reserves casually. Reserve call-ups are expensive and disrupt the civilian economy. These appear small, but in the environment of Turning Point 2, it would not be difficult to mobilize larger forces without being noticed. No one of these things, by itself, is of very great interest. And taken together they do not provide the means for a clear forecast. Nevertheless, a series of rather ordinary events, taken together, can constitute something significant. Tensions in the Middle East are moving well beyond the normal point, and given everything that is happening, events are moving to a point where someone is likely to take military action. Whether Hezbollah will carry out a retaliatory strike or Israel a pre-emptive strike in Lebanon, or whether the Israelis' real target is Iran, tensions systematically have been ratcheted up to the point where we, in our simple way, are beginning to wonder whether something has to give. All together, these events are fairly extraordinary. Ignoring all rhetoric — and the Israelis have gone out of their way to say that they are not looking for a fight — it would seem that each side, but particularly the Americans and Israelis, have gone out of their way to signal that they are expecting conflict. The Syrians have also signaled that they expect conflict, and Hezbollah always claims there is about to be conflict.

Evidence Said to Link Syrian Reactor, North Korea The Bush administration told U.S. lawmakers on Thursday that a site in Syria that Israel bombed in September was a nuclear reactor in the final stages of construction and that it was built with the help of North Korea. The White House said there was "good reason to believe the Syrian reactor was not intended for peaceful purposes." Tom Gjelten, NPR's U.S. diplomacy and military affairs correspondent, tells Melissa Block that intelligence officials at the briefing were trying to make three points: that the facility was a nuclear reactor meant to produce plutonium; that it was built with North Korean help and modeled after a reactor in North Korea; and that the purpose of the Syrian facility was to create fuel for a nuclear weapons program. Gjelten says the officials are confident in the first two points, but don't have strong evidence to support the belief that the reactor was intended to create fuel for a bomb. The officials offered photos taken inside the facility — presumably by an Israeli spy — that show it was a nuclear reactor. There were no photos of North Koreans inside the plant. There was, however, a picture of a senior North Korean official involved in the nuclear program in Syria meeting with Syrian officials. U.S. officials said they did not know about the Syrian facility until they received initial intelligence from Israel, and that the U.S. did not give Israel a green light for the September raid. The administration said it did not brief lawmakers about the facility until now because Syria might have retaliated against Israel and that there was a danger of a regional confrontation. The issue of North Korean involvement in the Syrian reactor arises just as the U.S. and North Korea are said to be close to an agreement on the future of the Asian nation's nuclear program. Gjelten says the reason for Thursday's briefings is that "some Republicans in Congress who are very anxious to get this information out said that the approval of a deal with North Korea was unlikely to go forward unless the administration came clean on what it knew about North Korea's activities in Syria." NPR Audio Clip

Tribes, Culture and Consequences

National Cultural Profiles National Cultural Profiles are your guide to the thinking patterns of all the world's major cultures. The resource is taken from the CultureActive cultural web programme, which is used by corporations, governments and non-government organisations. National Cultural Profiles – the global cultural database

Culture and Conflict in the Middle East Is Islam the best way to understand the war on terror? Tribalism may offer a clearer view of our enemies' motivations. I thought of Ishi while reading Philip Carl Salzman's new book, Culture and Conflict in the Middle East (Humanity Books, 224 pages, $34.95). It is a major event: the most penetrating, reliable, systematic, and theoretically sophisticated effort yet made to understand the Islamist challenge the United States is facing in cultural terms. What Salzman has managed is to have preserved, nurtured, deepened, and applied to our current challenge a once-dominant anthropological perspective on tribal societies: the study of tribes organized into "segmentary lineages." It was one of the great achievements of modern anthropology. Yet, over the past 40 years, scholars have largely rejected and forgotten the study of segmentary lineage systems. In the Islamic Near East, however, the term "tribe" has a fairly specific meaning. Middle Eastern tribes think of themselves as giant lineages, traced through the male line, from some eponymous ancestor. Each giant lineage divides into tribal segments, which subdivide into clans, which in turn divide into sub-clans, and so on, down to families, in which cousins may be pitted against cousins or, ultimately, brother against brother. Traditionally existing outside the police powers of the state, Middle Eastern tribes keep order through a complex balance of power between these ever fusing and segmenting ancestral groups. The central institution of segmentary tribes is the feud. Security depends on the willingness of every adult male in a given tribal segment to take up arms in its defense. An attack on a lineage-mate must be avenged by the entire group. Likewise, any lineage member is liable to be attacked in revenge for an offense committed by one of his relatives. One result of this system of collective responsibility is that members of Middle Eastern kin groups have a strong interest in policing the behavior of their lineage-mates, since the actions of any one person directly affect the reputation and safety of the entire group. ‘Culture and Conflict in the Middle East’

A Network of Truces The grand compromise model would be appropriate if Iraq were a Western country living in the shadow of the Magna Carta. The U.S. brought no shortage of misconceptions into Iraq, but surely the longest lasting has been what you might call: Founding Fatherism. This is the belief that peace will come to the country when the nation’s political elites gather at a convention hall and make a series of grand compromises involving power-sharing and a new constitution. The Bush administration has been pushing the Iraqis to make this sort of grand compromise for years — to little effect. The Democrats happily declare that there has been no political progress in Iraq because this grand compromise is the only kind of political progress they can conceive of. The grand compromise model would be appropriate if Iraq were a Western country living in the shadow of the Magna Carta. But Iraq is not that kind of country. As Philip Carl Salzman argues in “Culture and Conflict in the Middle East” (brilliantly reviewed by Stanley Kurtz in The Weekly Standard), many Middle Eastern societies are tribal. The most salient structure is the local lineage group. National leaders do not make giant sacrifices on behalf of the nation because their higher loyalty is to the sect or clan. Order is achieved not by the top-down imposition of abstract law. Instead, order is achieved through fluid balance of power agreements between local groups. In a society like this, political progress takes different forms. It’s not top down. It’s bottom up. And this is exactly the sort of progress we are seeing in Iraq. While the Green Zone politicians have taken advantage of the surge by trying to entrench their own power, things are happening at the grass-roots.

VENGEANCE IS OURS In 1992, when Daniel Wemp was about twenty-two years old, his beloved paternal uncle Soll was killed in a battle against the neighboring Ombal clan. Soll’s death demanded vengeance. As it turned out, it took three years, twenty-nine more killings, and the sacrifice of three hundred pigs before Daniel succeeded in discharging this responsibility. Daniel’s homeland and other parts of the New Guinea Highlands have been of interest to anthropologists ever since the nineteen-thirties, when Australian and Dutch prospectors and patrols “discovered” a million stone-tool-using tribespeople previously unknown to the outside world, and began to introduce them to metal, writing, missionaries, and state government. Since then, changes have been rapid. And yet Highlanders still inhabit two worlds simultaneously. Daniel’s loyalties are first to his Handa clan and to his Nipa tribe, and then to his nation of Papua New Guinea, which is attempting to weld its thousands of clans and hundreds of tribes into a peaceful democracy. State government is now so nearly universal around the globe that we forget how recent an innovation it is; the first states are thought to have arisen only about fifty-five hundred years ago, in the Fertile Crescent. Before there were states, Daniel’s method of resolving major disputes—either violently or by payment of compensation—was the worldwide norm. Papua New Guinea is not the only place where those traditional methods of dispute resolution still coexist uneasily with the methods of state government. For example, Daniel’s methods might seem quite familiar to members of urban gangs in America, and also to Somalis, Afghans, Kenyans, and peoples of other countries where tribal ties remain strong and state control weak. As I eventually came to realize, Daniel’s thirst for vengeance and his hostility to rival clans are really not so far from our own habits of mind as we might like to think. Though we might wonder how Daniel’s society came to revel in killing, ethnographic studies of traditional human societies lying largely outside the control of state government have shown that war, murder, and demonization of neighbors have been the norm. Modern state societies rate as exceptional by the standards of human history, because we instead grow up learning a universal code of morality that is constantly hammered into us: promulgated every week in our churches and codified in our laws. But the differences between the norms of states and of Handa clan society are not actually so sharp. In times of war, even modern state societies quickly turn the enemy into a dehumanized figure of hatred, only to enjoin us to stop hating again as soon as a peace treaty is signed. Such contradictions confuse us deeply.

Blood and Sand: A revisionist Israeli historian revisits his country’s origins. For thirteen centuries, between 1200 B.C. and the second century A.D., the Jews lived in, and often ruled, the land of Israel. By the nineteenth century, Palestine had been ruled by Romans, Persians, Byzantines, Arabs, Christian Crusaders, and Ottoman Turks. When Mark Twain visited in 1867, his imagination soaked with the Biblical imagery of milk and honey, he discovered to his surprise “a hopeless, dreary, heartbroken land . . . desolate and unlovely.” Jericho was “accursed,” Jerusalem “a pauper village.” And yet nineteenth-century Palestine certainly was desolate and impoverished. The population in 1881 consisted of four hundred and fifty thousand Palestinian Arabs and twenty-five thousand Jews, nearly all of them ultra-Orthodox non-nationalists living in Jerusalem, Hebron, Safed, and Tiberias. Palestine, despite its importance to the three monotheistic religions, was a political backwater. As the flow of immigration increased, so did the resistance, especially with the end of the First World War and the beginning of British control over Palestine, in 1917-18, and culminating in the 1936-39 Arab revolt against the Yishuv, the name for the pre-state Jewish community. The resistance took the form of demonstrations (some of them virulently anti-Semitic), riots, assaults, and bombings. The Palestinian leadership became more and more radicalized, and small clandestine groups were formed. In turn, radical Jewish factions and militias began to win support. Where the Arabs were concerned, Herzl had been more oblivious than cruel. But the leader of the Yishuv, David Ben-Gurion, recognized the us-or-them nature of the conflict; he sensed the emotional force of his adversary’s position even as he fought for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. But, just as the Arab world’s rejection of the 1947 partition plan pushed Israeli leaders toward an even harsher view of their adversaries, Yasir Arafat’s rejection of the peace proposals proffered by Ehud Barak in 2000 at Camp David and at Taba, Egypt, coupled with the second intifada, which followed, disillusioned Benny Morris to the point of embitterment. Morris, who has always voted for parties on the left, said that Arafat had “defrauded” the Israelis, and he decided that the Palestinians had no intention of forging a compromise. Morris was not at all persuaded by explanations and press reports claiming that Clinton and Barak had offered Arafat an unfair, hastily prepared deal. Even if Israel returned to its pre-1967 borders, Morris concluded, the Palestinians would consider that only a step in a “phased plan” to eliminate a “crusader state” from sacred Arab lands.

 

COUNTRIES

AFGHANISTAN: Looking For A Fair Loss The war in Afghanistan is yet another tribal conflict. For thousands of the years, the tribes have fought to resist control by any central government. Determined occupiers have always managed to subdue the tribes. But NATO and the U.S. are not considered determined. They can be out-waited. Canada recently announced that they would be gone in three years, and several other national contingents are believed to have similar schedules. This is driven partly by the unwillingness of most NATO countries to get involved in combat. Most NATO troops are in Afghanistan for peacekeeping, not combat duty. This represents  a split in NATO, an argument over strategy that will probably speed up the NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan. The Taliban and al Qaeda know this, and it heartens them. Long term, the Islamic conservatives (Taliban, al Qaeda) will lose. Trying to bring back thousand year old social and religious customs, while selectively adopting modern ideas and technology, is a losing proposition (check world history for the last few centuries). But in the medium term, the Islamic conservatives are in a strong position. The Afghan and Pakistani governments both prefer to negotiate peace with the tribes. Time has been eroding tribal independence. That's why the urban population has been growing, and becoming more educated. These are tribal people who have rejected the traditional poverty, isolation and ignorance. But not all tribesmen who come to the cities are looking for jobs and education. Many come as tribal raiders, to live off raiding and loot. Being a bandit is a big deal in Afghan lore.

IRAN: Suicide Is Painless, It Brings On Many Changes Government leaders make the most of the one thing they are popular for; the nuclear program. Atomic bombs are rarely mentioned, the emphasis is on "nuclear technology". That's a code word for nuclear weapons, which are immensely popular in Iran. Political and religious leaders openly boast of how clever they are in obtaining nuclear technology despite the efforts of the UN, and the world, to deny Iran access. Iranian leaders need all the popular acclaim they can get, because the religious police have not relented in their campaign to punish women who do not dress properly. The clerics who run the country and mismanage the economy are also trying to distract the public from the shortages and 20 percent a year inflation. President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has recommended greater use of the "culture of martyrdom", to solve the country's economic problem. He did not elaborate. Iranian politicians also are quick to deny any Iranian involvement in the violence that still troubles neighboring Iraq. But the U.S. has a growing pile of evidence that says otherwise. Documents, equipment and interrogation transcripts all detail Iranian efforts to, well, that's where it gets murky. There are several Iranian factions meddling in Iraq. Iran has gotten itself involved in a public feud with al Qaeda. It began when Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad publically claimed that the September 11, 2001 attacks were a ploy by Israel or the CIA, to justify a war on Islam. A few days later, an al Qaeda leader, Ayman al Zawahri, rushed out an audio tape, denouncing the Iranians for casting doubt on the fact that al Qaeda had planned and carried out those attacks. Although Shia Iran and Sunni al Qaeda occasionally cooperate, they are, in fact, bitter enemies.

Turkey Seeks Expanded Role in Gas Pipeline, Roiling Europe It Aims to Join Turkey is playing hardball in the geopolitical struggle over an $8 billion pipeline at the center of Europe's efforts to cut dependence on Russian natural gas. The nation, which bridges Europe and Central Asia, is trying to profit from its strategic location and become a key part of Europe's energy plan. This might bolster its push to join the European Union -- if its negotiating tactics don't exhaust Europe's patience. Europe wants Turkey to be a transit corridor along the Nabucco pipeline's 3,300-kilometer (2,062-mile) route from the Caspian Sea region to Austria. Turkey wants more control: acting as a regional energy hub, collecting gas from the east, buying some domestically at below-market prices and passing on the rest to Europe for a variable fee. Moscow-based Gazprom OAO has a monopoly on gas pipelines from Russia and Central Asia to Europe. Russia accounts for a quarter of the EU's gas consumption and more than 40 percent of gas imports. With gas demand rising 3 percent a year, the EU will consume 620 billion cubic meters by 2020, 500 billion imported, its figures show. Nabucco has political backing from the EU and U.S. as an alternative to Gazprom. Meanwhile Gazprom and Eni SpA, Italy's largest oil company, are promoting a new $15 billion pipeline, named South Stream, to rival Nabucco. In January 2006, Nabucco catapulted to the top of the EU's agenda after Russia briefly cut gas deliveries to Ukraine over a price dispute, blocking flows to Europe. Although Nabucco's capacity of 31 billion cubic meters would account for only 5 percent of the EU's 2020 gas needs, it would provide competition and may help lower prices, the EU says.

Olmert's Savvy Keeps Israeli Coalition Together as He Angles for Accord Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, once dismissed as a weak leader who wouldn't last a full term, has turned out to be a savvy dealmaker who has kept his unruly governing coalition from unraveling. Now he's betting he may be strong enough to nail down the basics of the Palestinian peace deal that eluded his predecessors. It won't be easy, even for a man who thrives on being underestimated. While Olmert has backed away from earlier predictions that he and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas will sign a full-fledged peace deal this year, they may have a shot at achieving more progress than many thought possible only months ago. One possibility: a ``shelf'' agreement that would form the framework for a future peace treaty or a deal to be implemented later, when both sides meet certain conditions. That Olmert has survived in office, let alone with enough political strength to contemplate a peace accord, is something of a miracle. The Kadima Party he founded with then-Prime Minister Ariel Sharon in 2005, and took over after Sharon was felled by a stroke, won only 29 of the Knesset's 120 seats in the March 2006 election. The Likud Party, which they had abandoned, won only 12 seats. Olmert managed to form an alliance with the Labor, Shas and Pensioners parties, giving him a 67-member coalition. In the two years since, he has shown a mastery of coalition politics in a country where governments rarely last more than three years.

ISRAEL: Hamas At War Hamas is desperately trying to remove Israeli and Egyptian control over access to Iranian weapons supplies (not to mention food and fuel). The basic strategy is to attack the border crossings, so as to interfere with shipments of food and fuel. Then manipulate media coverage inside Gaza to make it look worse than it is. That is supposed to persuade the Europeans to force Israel to allow Hamas to bring in whatever they want (especially explosives and longer range, factory made, rockets from Iran.) Then Hamas can increase the rocket attacks on southern Israel. Currently, only a few of the home made Kassam  rockets are being fired into Israel each day. Hamas does not have a risk-free strategy going. For one thing, if they let food and fuel shortages get too severe, they risk another rebellion. Fatah still has allies inside Gaza, and many Gaza residents feel more loyalty to their clan leaders, than they do to Fatah or Hamas. But as long as Hamas puts on a good show, without too much pain, than the majority of Gaza Palestinians will go along. But many Gaza Palestinians remain hostile to Hamas, and some are aiding Israel with intelligence on the movements of Hamas leaders. This leads to several attacks a week, usually with missiles from aircraft, against Hamas leaders. Hamas is getting lots of munitions, either through the smuggling tunnels from Egypt, or via the sea from Iran. Hamas is encouraged by the situation in Lebanon, where Iran continues to supply Hizbollah with rockets, and other weapons, via Syria. This traffic is supposed to be halted by UN peacekeepers and Lebanese troops, but Hizbollah has no trouble intimidating border guards, and just moving in whatever they want. Carter Says Hamas and Syria Are Open to Peace, Carter Meets Hamas according to the cartoonists.

Israel’s pride and prejudice at 60 If 60 is for an individual the age of maturity, it is a very young age for a state. Israel remains, for the lack of a better word, an adolescent state, the young incarnation of a very old dream. It is an adolescent torn between pride and resentment on one hand, and hope and fear on the other. Yet the presence of these Israeli soldiers in the Warsaw Opera was a clear illustration that 60 years after its creation the very existence of the state of Israel remains nothing short of a miracle: a miracle of human will, determination and ultimately of hope. In less than three generations and in spite of extremely difficult conditions, Israelis have managed not only to survive but also to create a rich and original culture; to achieve spectacular results in science and medicine; and to create a technological hub in the region. But hope should not be confused with self-delusion. Israel cannot dream of ever becoming the democratic Singapore of the Middle East if it remains in an ethnic and religious war with its immediate neighbours, the Palestin­ians. More than 30 years ago some of Israel’s strategic thinkers dreamt of an alliance with the non-Arab countries of the Middle East, Iran and Turkey. In their eyes the triangle between Tehran, Ankara and Jerusalem held the key to creation of a new balance of power in the Middle East. Today, this diplomatic dream has evolved and is taking the shape of a new configuration of forces in the region. It consists of an alliance between moderate Sunni Arab regimes and Israel against the alliance of fundamentalist forces behind Iran. There is something in that logic but for the former alliance to emerge there needs to be real progress and at least a truce between the Israelis and all Palestinians, including Hamas. Strategically many Arab leaders fear the prospect of a nuclear Iran as much as, if not more than, Israel but emotionally their people would not ratify efforts to stop Iran without real progress in ­Palestine.