Parts to Wholes: the Socionomic Systems Nexus

Haiti in the Long-run: Head-pats vs. Sustainable Commitment

The international humanitarian community, governments, private enterprises and citizens from around the world have been responding enthusiastically and generously to the crisis. So much so that they are getting in each other's way, sniping about who's plane gets to land or writing WSJ oped pieces about how terrible everything is. Let's get some things straight - this is the worst natural disaster in the Western Hemisphere and the first in modern history in a built-up urban area. It took out the buildings, the streets, the urban infrastructure, the government, the civil service, the NGO's and almost everything else. Couldn't have happened at a worse place - or in some ways worse time since last year Haiti had four major hurricanes that dropped it's GDP by 15%. All that after a democratic regime, so-to-speak was only first installed for the first time in history in the mid-80s and saw the elected President run out in the mid-90s. In fact Haiti has only received semi-serious attention from a legion of do-gooders in the last ten years or so. Most of whom, just as they have in the current disaster, want to parachute in, "pet the dog" and leave feeling good about themselves but not having made any long-lasting contribution. As an example Royal Caribbean was heavily criticized for continuing to stop at its Haitian stopovers. What should they have done instead - not continued? And thrown thousands more Haitians out of work, or not brought in the tons of relief supplies? The really sad thing is that the assistance programs trying to make substantive long term changes, bring in private investment, develop new foundations for the economy and improve governance were actually starting to work before this disaster. The vidclip is a special session on Haiti from Davos and if you don't have time to listen to the entire thing scroll on to the last 5-10 minutes where President Clinton is summarizing things and talking about how to move beyond feelgood gestures to real commitment.

Governance and Civil Society

One of the interesting things we've noticed is a rather old post of ours has attracted a lot of attention this week (Citizenship, Civitas & Stability) - it's a short comment on the role of good government and civil behavior, what we call Civitas, in nurturing society, prosperity and human well-being. In it we quoted a statement of Adam Smith's, who was far less the free-market purist and more the moral philosopher, economic statesman and champion of good government than his more recent ideological followers know or are inclined to accept. He got it exactly right:

"Little else is required to carry a state to the highest degree of opulence from the lowest barbarism but peace, easy taxes, and a tolerable administration of justice."

 The Haiti clip is one of several from the Davos meetings that we've collected in the readings, concentrating on the overview sessions and those that bear directly on the general questions of governance and civil society, including in Afghanistan, Africa and Haiti, as well as on the broader questions of rethinking, redesigning and rebuilding global governance for the challenges of this century. (A slightly fuller review is The Cusp Point is Here: Lessons From Davos).

But let's not get to proud of ourselves for our excellent governance, which was not lightly developed, has a long and bloody history, is replete with many transgressions and sins and that we take all too lightly for granted. In addition to the Davos sessions the Readings section has pointers to two white papers on the nature of good government and an engaged foreign policy built around those principles plus several examples of where they are severely challenged. Including the Congo where the death toll is now larger than the Holocaust but even more widely ignored, the fragile situation in Yemen, and that classic English example - the Wars of the Roses. In case you're not familiar with the history after rising to be the greatest power in Europe the English provoked decades of fratricidal Civil War among the nobility as they competed for place and power. And almost destroyed England in the process. Also included among the examples is the gang rape in Richmond, Ca. last fall of a young girl watched, witnessed and photographed by dozens of bystanders. Good government is not a free gift from on high, it's something you have to work at. Yet it's something all people in all places strive and struggle for. Most of us just happen to be fortunate enough to live in places where we inherit centuries, even millenia, of the slow and painful accumulation of rules, procedures, attitudes and values. Things that can vanish overnight as the Lord of the Flies (here in a clip from the 90s remake) reminds us ( Lord of the Flies (Trailer 1990)).

Re-visiting Good Government: Legitimacy vs. Performance

Defining good government, analyzing its structure and character and evaluating its impacts on social performance is something we've done a lot of. In fact it's been one of our central concerns on this blog and you'll find the two key white papers on the theory and practice below (Good Government for a Stable World). Just to make the point here's the example of the application to Iraq from almost two years ago. There are several key points to make here: 1) good government can take several forms depending on circumstances, 2) it depends critically on the support of the populace, i.e. it must be legitimate in that people know it's doing its best to solve their problems and represent their interests fairly and honestly, 3) it must be effective and efficient in the sense that resources collected must be re-invested in the betterment of society and not squandered on the private pleasures of the governors, 4) you can't magically leap to a new level but must necessarily move along a trajectory from where you're at to where you would like to go but 5) at the end of the day the return is everybody being better off than they would be otherwise (NB: Iraq is enormously better off than it's been for decades. Other examples include China and Russia while the general framework lays out the rules).

Henry VIII, Sir Thomas More and the Rule of Law

The victor of the last great battle of the Wars of the Roses was the Earl of Richmond, who founded the Tudor dynasty. And eventually his greatest direct descendant, Elizabeth I, mothered a golden age for England that was the birthplace of much of the modern world as we know it from culture to policy to the first stirrings of a modern economy and explorations of the world. Along the way her father H8 went thru multiple wives looking for a male heir (ironic isn't it that in the last 1,000 years the greatest English rulers have all been women?). That wasn't only pride and vanity though. For ten millenia the greatest challenge of human government is the transition from one regime to another. When the King was succeeded by a legitimate and competent successor private citizens could have confidence in the long-term prospects of the country...which is when they felt safe in making long-term investments in farms, equipment, roads and new ventures. 

Long-lived, stable and good government is the single most important factor in history in human prosperity. So when Henry couldn't get an heir all that threatened to come crashing down. Perhaps the best illustration of the political manuverings surrounding this little problem was the great movie, "A Man for All Seasons". (NB: the best depictions of the chaos that preceded the Tudors is Richard III).

Of all the many find, marvelous and educational moments in that astonishing movie the one that brings home our key point more than any other, is Sir Thomas More's defense of the Rule of Law. Especially in contrast to the appeals of his wannabe clerk who would sell his soul or anything else to further himself... or his son-in-law who would sell his for ideology. A just, effective and prosperous government doesn't result from private interests gone wild or ideologies riding roughshod over all obstacles. It results from respect for ideals, values and institutions and the very essence of civil society, tolerance and respect. Along with this clip you might "enjoy" this one where Cardinal Wolsey, then Henry's Chancellor, complains of More's "moral squint". Or these, where More, now Chancellor in his own right, confronts the King and is stripped of his office, or the end of his trial.

The governance we enjoy was purchased for as at great and painful cost over centuries by the payments of many unsung true patriots like Sir Thomas More, who built the society and civilization we now live in. And which we need to extend, at least in adapted form, to meet the challenges of this century. So say we all - let's have an Amen please!

UPDATE:

David Warsh of Economic Principals has done us the great favor of tackling Haiti by channeling a recent volume (Natural Experiments of History) edited by Jared Diamond of Guns, Germs & Steel fame. (which if you haven't read is one of the Ur-texts of our methodology). Here are some brief excerpts from What Can Be Done for Haiti:

"Thus climatic and environmental differences were greatly amplified by social histories. After 1930, political differences became even more important. Dictator Rafael Trujillo took control of the Dominican and operated the nation as a family business, emphasizing exports and encouraging tourism, hiring expert foresters from Sweden and Puerto Rico and protecting large tracts of timber from being harvested by others. In Haiti, “Papa Doc” Duvalier ruled from 1957 until 1971 (and his son “Baby Doc” until 1985) without contributing much of anything to the island’s development – least of all forest management. .... The fact about Haiti that stands out above all others in this telling is the marooning of an African population on a Caribbean island, the uniquely violent war of independence that followed, and its legacy of retribution and mutual mistrust – two centuries of near-isolation and estrangement.... And that is the real point of this column. Rebuilding Haiti’s housing stock and physical infrastructure is important. Building its human capital is even more important."

READINGS

Good Government for a Stable World Good government is essential to a healthy society and one of the most difficult problems. In history eras of prosperity exist when there is the rule of law, justice and honest public decision-making. Now we face the problem of understanding what good government is, how to develop it consciously and how to support its evolution on a worldwide basis because, as 911 showed us, it is in everyone's interests that we have a prosperous, peaceful, stable world composed of a plurality of responsible stakeholders.

Brave New World: Constructive Engagement and US Foreign Policy An essay collection sketching a new approach to a constructive US foreign policy for a non-zero sum world where the US is constructively engaged, encourages responsible stakeholder participation, supports the development of good government and a stable, progressive international system. We are all best served by a policy that recognizes that the old international paradigm of “winner take all” was harmful to the well-being of the system, the participants and even the so-called winners. Instead what we should be seeking is an international system that provides a stable and secure framework for states to continue to pursue the domestic development agendas. In other words in the millennia old debates between the relative advantages of trade vs. raid we come down heavily on the side of trade. The data over the last 20-30 years bear this because we’ve seen more progress in human prosperity for more people than at any time in history. At the same time this view is not pollyannish but explicitly recognizes that any system of governance is based on the use of force to create and sustain the necessary institutional framework for a stable and progressive world order. It also explicitly recognizes, and analyzes, the critical role that good government within each state plays in benefiting itself and the system as a whole.

When Governance Breaks

Why Susie Krabacher Sold the Sushi Bar To Buy an Orphanage Last week, as gunmen murdered people on the streets and foreigners scrambled to get out of the country, Susie Scott Krabacher flew in from Aspen, Colo. Negotiating barricades of burning tires in her platform boots and ankle-length white skirt, she headed straight for a summit meeting with powerful gang leaders in the meanest slum in the poorest country in the Americas.Sitting in the cavernous gloom of a church, Mrs. Krabacher, 40 years old and Playboy's Miss May of 1983, worked her charm on a taciturn, heavyset gang leader known only by his first name, Amaral. Peering into his eyes, and lightly touching his knee, Mrs. Krabacher told Amaral that she has great plans for his sector of this squalid slum called Cité Soleil -- a basketball court, a free clinic and a better school -- but only if Haiti's political chaos subsides. "We are worried what will happen if this country goes crazy," Mrs. Krabacher told Amaral. Last week, as armed rebels marched toward the capital vowing to overthrow President Aristide, Mrs. Krabacher's route to Cité Soleil was littered with the carcasses of stripped and burned automobiles. Merchant women squatted selling sticks of sugar cane, ends sharpened to points, next to paper bags of charcoal. A cloud of foul smoke rose from mounds of smoldering garbage. Pigs rooted through piles of trash and waded through open sewers filled with slime the bright green color of antifreeze. The body of a man recently killed was sprawled in the road. Next to the corpse, hard men glared at passersby. At the hospital children's unit she runs, pillows and medicines are regularly stolen. Thieves even got the unit's first oven and refrigerator, and broke up a cabinet for the wood. Last week, an employee fired for stealing from one of the orphanages paid a gang leader to show up with half a dozen armed men threatening to kill everybody inside if the employee wasn't reinstated. "You need strength and faith to do this in Haiti," said Stanley Joseph, Mrs. Krabacher's right-hand man. "The country is made to stop you."

• Wikipedia Profile of Haiti

Understanding Haiti's Catastrophe through a Poet's Eyes Michele Voltaire Marcelin, an artist, poet, spoken word performer and teacher, was born in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Since the earthquake struck that country last month, she has been struggling to make sense of the destruction. Haitians have this incredible solidarity with each other, which makes it possible for them to -- to survive this, those who have survived. But it's been there for as long as I can remember. I don't think this island could have stood without it. I wrote a few lines that came to me after the earthquake, which I think were very important to me, because, before the earthquake, we had been talking so much about how we were divided as a people, and how we needed to be together. "Underneath the beauty was a rift. In the heart of the land was a rift. And the rift in the land reached the rift in our hearts. And we lost our people and the land." It is so sad when I go back and read the poems that I wrote. There was a major hurricane called Hurricane Jeanne which hit the city of Gonaives, which left 5,000 dead, houses engulfed in mud, children dead. And I wrote this poem. And, after the earthquake, I went back and looked at it, and I said, my God, if I changed just the words water to the words cement or earth, it will have been the same. "Life is split at the seams. No one knows the exact number of the dead. They were ours. They were yours and mine. Yet, we let them die. So, I will write a poem, and you will write a letter, and he will send some money, and she will say a prayer, but we will forget, as we have forgotten before. We closed our eyes, covered ourselves up, when this island without secrets, this island caught upside-down, spread open by the great storm, went belly-up, exposing memories and guts. Disaster on disaster, mud on mud. Life is split at the seams."

The Dechoukaj This Time Dechoukaj could rip apart cement and exhume the dead, but it could never quite uproot Duvalierism. Duvalierism, it turned out, was a political state of mind, not a phenomenon arising from a single figure. In a land utterly impoverished by its historical and geopolitical heritage, no dechoukaj could fully uproot the longstanding political culture: the desire for a strong leader to make things better single-handedly; the reflexive populist recourse to a cult of personality; the autocratic tendencies of the political class.

• Addicted to Haiti But if Haiti is to be rebuilt, or not merely rebuilt but transformed, then drug trafficking needs to be recognized for what it is, a primary force — arguably, the dominant force — in Haitian political life for the past 25 years.

Gang rape raises questions about bystanders' role For more than two hours on a dark Saturday night, as many as 20 people watched or took part as a 15-year-old California girl was allegedly gang raped and beaten outside a high school homecoming dance, authorities said. As hundreds of students gathered in the school gym, outside in a dimly lit alley where the victim was allegedly raped, police say witnesses took photos. Others laughed. "As people announced over time that this was going on, more people came to see, and some actually participated," Lt. Mark Gagan of the Richmond Police Department told CNN. The witnesses failed to report the crime to law enforcement, Gagan said. The victim remained hospitalized in stable condition. Police arrested five suspects and more arrests were expected. So why didn't anyone come forward?

Teen's Rape Leaves California Community Stunned It wasn't just the horrific gang rape that drew attention; it was all the witnesses who did nothing. Rhonda James is director of the local Community Violence Solutions and the Rape Crisis Center. RHONDA JAMES, executive director, Community Violence Solutions: This attack went on for two-and-a-half-hours -- two-and-a-half-hours. There was an opportunity, there were hundreds of opportunities to stop it. The participants and the so-called bystanders were not interested in stopping it. People were actually jeering, filming, participating from the sidelines.

Richmond Gang Rape Prompts City's Reflection The ingredients for tragedy all were present, experts say. A bunch of men. A vulnerable young woman. Alcohol. What happened next, authorities say, degenerated into a two-hour-long gang rape by as many as 10 males. Another 20 people allegedly watched as the victim was assaulted, beaten bloody and robbed of her jewelry but they did not stop it or call police. The incident late last month led to six arrests, captured nationwide headlines and put this community of 103,000 on the eastern San Francisco Bay shoreline through spasms of self examination. Hundreds attended support rallies for the victim. Some saw the crime as an outgrowth of Richmond's street violence and poverty. But experts say gang rapes happen in all segments of society – white and minority, rich and poor. And they say the attackers often are bonded males ranging from gang members and neighborhood pals to teammates and fraternity brothers. School officials and authorities said the victim felt betrayed because she knew a few of her alleged attackers and considered one a trusted friend. "She is a young girl who's impressionable and, I think, wonders if this is what the world is really like," said Richmond police Sgt. Lori Curran, a lead investigator. The victim has since been flooded with gifts and letters of support. In a letter read by her family pastor during a vigil, she urged the community to remain calm and "let that anger cause change." As the investigation continues, disturbing questions hang over the tragedy: Why didn't anyone stop the attack or tell the dance's 10 chaperones, four police officers among them? "Where were our neighbors, our fellow country-people who witness such a horrific crime and are afraid to call 911?" asked Terry O'Neill, president of the National Organization for Women.

Postcard From Yemen Sana is not Kabul, and Yemen is not Afghanistan — not yet. Yemenis have the resources to save themselves, but they need to be mobilized by better governance. Fortunately, though, I found that Sana is not Kabul, and Yemen is not Afghanistan — not yet. The Walled Old City of Sana, a U.N. World Heritage site with its mud-brick buildings adorned with geometric shapes, was bustling with coffee shops at night and vendors by day. Walking through its streets with a Yemeni friend, we came upon four bearded, elderly Yemeni men — traditional daggers tucked into their belts — discussing a poster taped to a stone wall urging “fathers and mothers” to send their girls to school. When I asked what they thought of that idea, the oldest said he was “ready to give up part of a meal each day so that my girls can learn to read.” Moreover, he added, the poster had just fallen down and he had just taped it back up for others to see. Not what I expected. Nor did I expect to find civil society organizations here staffed with young American volunteers — and, in the case of The Yemen Observer, an English-language newspaper, a whole newsroom full of them. All I could do was look around at these American college students and wonder: “Do your parents know you’re here?” They just laughed. Al Qaeda is like a virus. When it appears en masse, it indicates something is wrong with a country’s immune system. And something is wrong with Yemen’s. A weak central government in Sana rules over a patchwork of rural tribes, using an ad hoc system of patronage, co-optation, corruption and force. Vast areas of the countryside remain outside government control, particularly in the south and east, where 300 to 500 Qaeda fighters have found sanctuary. This “Yemeni Way” has managed to hold the country together and glacially nudge it forward, despite separatist movements in the North and the South. But that old way and pace of doing things can no longer keep pace with the negative trends.

The World Capital of Killing Congo has become the world capital of rape, torture and mutilation in ways that sear the survivors of a war that appears to have claimed more lives than the Holocaust. It’s easy to wonder how world leaders, journalists, religious figures and ordinary citizens looked the other way while six million Jews were killed in the Holocaust. And it’s even easier to assume that we’d do better. But so far the brutal war here in eastern Congo has not only lasted longer than the Holocaust but also appears to have claimed more lives. A peer- reviewed study put the Congo war’s death toll at 5.4 million as of April 2007 and rising at 45,000 a month. That would leave the total today, after a dozen years, at 6.9 million. What those numbers don’t capture is the way Congo has become the world capital of rape, torture and mutilation, in ways that sear survivors like Jeanne Mukuninwa, a beautiful, cheerful young woman of 19 who somehow musters the courage to giggle. Her parents disappeared in the fighting when she had just turned 14 — perhaps they were massacred, but their bodies never turned up — so she moved in with her uncle. A few months later, the extremist Hutu militia invaded the home. She remembers that it was the day of her very first menstrual period — the only one she has ever had.“First, they tied up my uncle,” Jeanne said. “They cut off his hands, gouged out his eyes, cut off his feet, cut off his sex organs, and left him like that. He was still alive. “His wife and his son were also there. Then they took all of us into the forest.” That militia is known for kidnapping people and enslaving them for months, even years. Men are turned into porters, and girls into sex slaves. Jeanne and other girls were regularly tied spread-eagle and gang-raped, and she soon became pregnant. The rapes continued, sometimes with sticks that tore apart her insides and left her dribbling wastes constantly. Somehow the fetus survived, but her pelvis was too immature to deliver the baby.

The Wars of the Roses were a series of dynastic civil wars between supporters of the rival houses of Lancaster and York, for the throne of England. They are generally accepted to have been fought in several spasmodic episodes between 1455 and 1485 (although there was related fighting both before and after this period). The war ended with the victory for the Earl of Richmond, Henry Tudor, who founded the House of Tudor, which subsequently ruled England and Wales for 117 years. Although historians still debate the true extent of the conflict's impact on medieval English life, there is little doubt that the Wars of the Roses resulted in political upheaval and changes to the established balance of power. The most obvious effect was the collapse of the Plantagenet dynasty and its replacement with the new Tudor rulers who changed England dramatically over the following years. In the following Henrician and post-Henrician times, the remnant Plantagenet factions with no direct line to the throne were disabused of their independent positions, as monarchs continually played them against each other.  The war was disastrous for England's already declining influence in France, and by the end of the struggle none of the gains made over the course of the Hundred Years' War remained, apart from Calais which eventually fell during the reign of Mary I. Although later English rulers continued to campaign on the continent, England's territories were never reclaimed. Indeed, various duchies and kingdoms in Europe played a pivotal role in the outcome of the war; in particular the kings of France and the dukes of Burgundy played the two factions off against each other, pledging military and financial aid and offering asylum to defeated nobles and pretenders, to prevent a strong and unified England making war on them. The post-war period was also the death knell for the large standing baronial armies, which had helped fuel the conflict. Henry VII, wary of any further fighting, kept the barons on a very tight leash, removing their right to raise, arm, and supply armies of retainers so that they could not make war on each other or the king. As a result the military power of individual barons declined, and the Tudor court became a place where baronial squabbles were decided with the influence of the monarch.

• Wars of the Roses, Henry IV, Part I. Royal Shakespeare Company on YouTube
• Richard III with Ian McKellen
• The Wars of the Roses by Alison Weir
• The Wars of the Roses by J. R. Lander
• Lancaster Against York: The Wars of the Roses and the Foundation of Modern Britain by Trevor Royle

Davos Sessions

 Welcoming Remarks by Doris Leuthard, President of the Swiss Confederation and Federal Councillor of Economic Affairs Klaus Schwab, Founder and Executive Chairman, World Economic Forum Davos Annual Meeting 2010 - Nicolas Sarkozy Opening Address by Nicolas Sarkozy, President of France Chaired by Klaus Schwab, Founder and Executive Chairman, World Economic Forum

Rethinking Values in the Post-Crisis World Values are considered important and enduring principles, which are correct and desirable in life, shared by members of a community.What values need rethinking in the wake of the "Great Recession"? Speakers:
Yvan Allaire, Thomas H. Glocer, Yasuchika Hasegawa, Hartmut Ostrowski, Jim Wallis, Muhammad Yunus, James H. Quigley

Special Session on Haiti The devastating earthquake on 12 January reminds us of the common humanity that we all share. Join this session on how business can help Haiti over the long term Speakers: Celso Amorim, William Jefferson Clinton, Helen Clark, Denis O'Brien, Klaus Schwab.

• Haiti: First Responders back from the Front-Line

Davos Kick-off of the 2010 FIFA World Cup in South Africa Share in the "spirit of Davos" to support this historic event of Africa and the global community. Speakers: Mark Fish, Lucas Radebe, Klaus Schwab, Zuma

Rebuilding Peace and Stability in Afghanistan More than eight years after the UN authorized military action in Afghanistan, the 43-nation coalition intends to increase troop levels to provide fresh impetus to efforts to bring peace and stability to the country.What is needed from Afghanistan, the region and the international community to achieve success? Speakers: Bernard Kouchner, Radoslaw Tomasz Sikorski, Guido Westerwelle, Anwar M. Gargash, Thomas Friedman, Ashraf Ghani, David Milliband, Ashraf Ghani

"Yes We Can?" US President and Nobel Peace Laureate Barack Obama awoke high expectations with his slogan "Yes, we can!" After one year of presidency, it can be seen where President Obama has introduced political innovation and where he has not. To what extent has the impact of the financial and economic crisis been curbed in the US? Speakers: Susan M. Collins, Riz Khan, Sir Martin Sorrell, Christine Maier, Kenneth Roth, Ulrike Lunacek

State Leadership: An Opportunity for Global Action Globalization has signified the expansion and interconnection of world markets, but paradoxically stronger and more effective national action is essential to achieve global cooperation. How can global cooperation be advanced as nation states become more interdependent? Speakers: Samir Al Rifai, Michael Froman, H.R.H. Haakon of Norway, Indra Nooyi, George Yeo Yong-Boon, Lord Malloch-Brown

A Roadmap for a Sustainable Recovery The Annual Meeting Co-Chairs examine what industry and government should do to lead the global economy on a path of sustainability and job growth in 2010. Speakers: Azim H. Premji, Peter Sands, Ronald A. Williams, Patricia A. Woertz, Josef Ackermann, Michael Oreskes, Klaus Schwab

The Global Agenda 2010: The View from Davos Join experts from over 70 Global Agenda Councils in a brainstorming session to map the critical global issues that emerged from the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2010 Speakers: Brainstorming session with Nik Gowing

Being Responsible for the Future Speakers: Rowan D. Williams, Joao Rafael Brites, Tshepiso Gower, Sarah Jameel, Carmina Mancenon, Mousa Musa, Nishin Nathwani