The big news from the last couple of weeks, at least domestically, is that we've succeeded in crafting and passing the largest peacetime suite of economics legislation in our history (the Stimulus Package plus the next round of TARP) with more to come as the other two legs of a 4-legged stool. Those being a Housing rescue package and a re-formulation of Financial Industry regulation. We also learned that the ME is not the only place where intransigent adherence to provably wrong shibboleths of policy, position and belief are rampant. Nonetheless the package is un-surpassed for size, scope, force and timeliness and as such gets a B+ on economics, an A- on politics and an A for pragmatic and realistic policy-making craftsmanship, admittedly grading on a curve. What do we mean by all that ?
Economic Policy to Date 
First, make absolutely no mistake about it. This package is absolutely essential to saving the economy. We're in a very serious situation where the liklihood of a more pronounced downturn followed by a decade or better of Japanese Malaise is entirely possible. Further, the economy is unlikely to recover on it's own because the normal, organic self-correction mechanisms are broken. People and companies are, were and will be continuing to pull in their horns as the situation deteriorates; government is the ONLY possible source of the spending necessary to salvage things. Second, in a short-term view the notion that OMG it's spending is just utter and absolute nonsense, that in fact is the whole point. It doesn't matter if gov't employees steal everything and go to Vegas - it's still stimulative. Third, there are real tradeoffs between tax cuts (which are fast but don't give you much bang, direct spending which gives you a much better multiplier but is slower and investment, e.g. infrastructure, where you get the most bang but is much slower and complex. For example investment in new energy sources doesn't do much good if you haven't the power grid to move the new power. Fourth, given the spending if you can use some of it to both get high multipliers AND lay the foundations of downpayments in future improvements in the economy that's smart policy-making. Finally, this is a large, very complex under-taking for which the implementation mechanisms are lacking; as a result there's only so much spending you can do in certain timeframes and you need to build up your capabilities. You also need to get support and buyin. Taken all together the package is a very well-crafted balance among all these competing requirements, let alone in the time and with the ideological oppositions it faced. We've gone into some of this before (First Things: Financial Crisis, Economy and Barry) but if you'd like some more details try these more "technical" discussions (State of the World: Crisis Metastasis, Strains and Fault Line,Economy vs Earnings Cage Match: Outlook, Business Performance & Realities ???,Time, and Past to Play Bizzball: Economy to Business Performance).
Let No. 1 Speak for Himself
If you don't entirely grasp the size and complexity of the package check out the accompanying graphic from the WaPo which shows how it's balanced across the major components and how those components break down across the various Departments and areas as well as across time. And if you think pulling that off in the timeframe with that good a design was an accident, or that all the talking heads echo-chamber discussions of how badly things were done is accurate here are some excerpts from the recent AFOne Chicago flight of an on-record interview with the President, again from the WaPo. 
Obama Interview Transcript
1. Almost to a economist, there was a consensus that we needed a large stimulus package not as the silver bullet to solve our economic problems, but as a necessary component to solving our economic problems, and in terms of scope, that we were going to need something between $600 billion and $1.3 trillion. That was the range that was presented to us. There also was consensus among economists that the best approach to spending that much money and getting the stimulus out of it was to diversify a little bit, so have a tax cut component -- there was a generally strong feeling that tax cuts targeted at people who were most likely to spend would have the biggest impact; a state fiscal relief component, or a countercyclical spending component, so everything from -- food stamps to unemployment insurance -- again, stuff that would be spent out quickly and, in some cases, help prevent a worsening of layoffs and a spiral downward. And then a third component of infrastructure. Now, each of these components had pluses and minuses. For example, tax cuts, you can get them out quick, but the general view is that you don’t necessarily see a dollar of spending by consumers for every tax cut they receive. Infrastructure, you get probably the biggest multiplier effect -- for every dollar you spend you might get $1.5 worth of demand out there, but necessarily you can’t get all those infrastructure projects done within a two-year time frame and the start-ups may be longer. So our whole goal was to provide a framework for Congress that presented the best mix based on the best available information that we’d gotten. I raise this because I think that some of the critics ended up fastening on this pet project or this program that they suggested was not stimulative; in fact, it would be hard to find economists who would argue that the guts of the program, the core of what just passed the House and hopefully will pass the Senate while we’re in the air or shortly after we land is not pretty well designed to get the economy moving again. And one last point -- one last goal that we set out, and that was if we were going to spend this much money, our number one priority being to get jobs in place and to get the economy moving again, wouldn’t it also be helpful for us to make sure that we laid some made -- that we made an investment in longterm economic growth -- that we put a down payment on things that have been deferred for too long?
2. Now, in terms of what I’ve learned on the politics of it, I think what I’ve learned is that I’ve got a great team because we moved a very big piece of legislation through Congress in record time. And that was not easy to do. And I think the end product is not a hundred percent of what we would want, but it is a very good start on moving things forward. I made every effort to reach out to Republicans early to get their input and to get they buy-in. I think that there were some senators and House members who have a sincere philosophical difference with the idea of any government role in boosting demand in the economy. They don’t believe in Keynes and they’re still fighting FDR. And no matter what we did, said, whatever the process was, they just don’t agree that this is the best prescription. And I think we can disagree without being disagreeable on that front. I also think that there was a decision made that was political and tactical on their part where they said, you know what, if we can enforce conformity among our ranks then it will invigorate our base and will potentially give us some political advantage, either short term or long term. And whether that’s a smart strategy, I think you should ask them. The last point I would make, though, is that given the urgency of the situation right now, my consistent goal throughout this process is: Are we getting the most immediate, most effective relief possible to American families who are losing their jobs, losing their homes, losing their health care? I welcome Republican participation in that process, but ultimately I’m answerable to the American people. And my determination was to get it done, and I think that we’re going to get it done.
3. Look, I mean, the fact of the matter is, is that once a decision was made by the Republican leadership to have a party-line vote -- a decision that I think occurred before I met with them -- then I’m not sure that there was a whole host of things that we were going to do that was going to make a difference. But again, my bottom line was not how pretty the process was; my bottom line was am I getting help to people who need it. Going forward, each and every time we’ve got an initiative I’m going to go to both Democrats and Republicans and I’m going to say, here’s my best argument for why we need to do this. I want to listen to your counter-arguments; if you’ve got better ideas, present them. We will incorporate them into any plans that we make, and we are willing to compromise on certain issues that are important to one side or the other in order to get stuff done. There are 535 members of Congress; they’re not potted plants. Their job is to represent their constituents and they’ve got ideas, too. So I’m not interested in bulldozing them. On the other hand, I’m answerable to the American people in an emergency economy. And what I won’t do is to engage in Washington tit-for-tat politics and spend a lot of time worrying about those games to the detriment of getting programs in place that are going to help people. : Well, look, as I said, I don’t want to question the sincerity of some of the Republicans who opposed this plan. They just may have a different theory about how the economy works. Now, I have to say that given that they were running the show for a pretty long time prior to me getting there and that their theory was tested pretty thoroughly and it’s landed us in the situation where we’ve got over a trillion dollars’ worth of debt and the biggest economic crisis since the Great Depression, I think I have a better argument in terms of economic thinking. But, again, I don’t question their sincerity. I do think that over time, as we keep on reaching out, and as I think the American people express their view that we need to start actually doing something about jobs, housing, health care, education, and so forth, that there will be some counterveiling pressures to work in a more constructive way.
4.I don’t have a crystal ball, and I don’t think anybody does, but I think that you can imagine very easily a scenario in which we duplicate what happened in Japan in the ‘90s, where we paper over core problems in the banking system. Despite some efforts at stimulus, we never fully get private credit flowing again, and the economy contracts severely and then sort of limps along for a very long period of time. Keep in mind, though, that even in that scenario, Japan had an awful lot of foreign currency reserves, they had a surplus from a positive trade balance. And the United States was pulling a world economy along. In this situation you’ve got all the economies around the world, even including China, decelerating at a fairly rapid rate. So if what happened in Japan is duplicated here in the United States, there’s nobody else to help drive the engine of growth, you could end up seeing an even more protracted and prolonged worldwide contraction. And I think that would have a severe impact on our quality of life. Let me, first of all, emphasize that the recovery package was critical to help families right now. Unemployment insurance extensions, health care through a COBRA that’s affordable, some immediate job creation -- those are very important. That’s only one leg of the stool. As I said in my press conference, the second leg of the stool is getting credit flowing again. And what the first round of TARP accomplished was to avert potential -- I hate to use the word again, but potential catastrophe in the banking system. I mean, things could have melted down much worse. Because of a lack of clarity, consistency, transparency, what you didn’t see was a market rebound and credit moving the way it needs to. So the credit markets still are not functioning the way they should. Now, this is a hard problem, and that’s why I said, I think on Nightline the day that Tim Geithner spoke, there are certain market participants who think that there’s some painless, quick fix here. There isn’t. Because what happened was that you had banks making bets, leveraging $30 off of one dollar of subprime assets; that was duplicated throughout the system, and deleveraging, sort of working through all those bad debts is going to be really tough. Now, we started talking about this, by the way, in transition as well, and so along parallel tracks, even as we were working on getting the recovery package done, we were also talking about how do we get credit flowing to home owners; how do we make sure that we’re getting small businesses the resources they need; how do we make sure the banks trust each other in terms of lending, and even blue-chip companies are able to shed corporate debt, so they can make payroll and keep people working.
Bottomline Assessments
Think of this as the New Coke marketing paradigm - even if you screw up you gain because you've ranged and bracketed the opportunity.
1. Barry reached out to everybody and included major chunks in the plan strictly for compromise, that is the tax cuts, which we know are NOT that efficacious in this regime.
2. He and his team guided things in the background but rested the primary responsibility for Congress and let them do their thing.
In both cases we learned they aren't up to the task, still thinking in old patterns and (especially the Rips) reverting to old posturings and shibboleths; the talk show appearances sounded just like Newt the Grinch's playbook from the mid-'90s on perjorative labeling to trigger the lizard brain. McCain did too. And btw it was the same rhetoric that lost the election for him.
So what did Barry do so far...he
3. Kept his cool, didn't get trapped into we said/you said, and pointed out it takes time to change people's habits thought, especially when they're burned into the deepest levels of their lizard brains.
4. At the same time in the press conference and at Elkhart he fired several major warning shots that said he can't afford to tolerate to much childish behavior before being forced to get out the leather strap.
Chess master indeed. And playing not just for the Opening or to set up the Middle Game but begin to set up the positional game for the long-run. And AT THE SAME TIME taking a very long, patient and balanced view of how you work in the short-term but play to change the tone without getting trapped in the emotionalisms and posturings. Unlike almost everybody else in the game.
We'll see in that short-run how the messaging and positioning works out - that one he may have lost by losing some of the skirmishes but this battle isn't over. Let along the campaign. In fact if you'd like a baseball analogy much of the critiscisms have been about the base-running and sliding while ignoring the hits, runs and errors, let alone the season or the balance of forces. As it happens less than 1% of the bill is characterizable as "Pork" but the Rips played the old pejoration labeling games invented by Newt the Grinch to go after Clinton that have since dominated political discord, oops, I mean discourse, in this country. For a prior dissection of Lizardbrain vs Substantive communications see this (Rope-a-Dope at Hofstra: Handicapping the Debate and Results) and then compare it to the Meet the Press vidclip. Better yet compare that vidclip to this book talk by psychologist Drew Westen and look for the labeling vs non-labeling appeals to the lizard-brain.
IOHO they've made major strategic and tactical blunders for narrow partisan advantages that may in fact be cynically self-serving, with an admixture of sincere disagreements (despite all evidence to the contrary over almost thiry years of Supply Side debates). In any case listen to the posturings on some of the vidclips in the readings (of which there is a whole......le bunch covering the spectrums of political, policy and posturings concerns). Or check out this series that provides a window on how well they sold the PorkFest Messages.
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